The Meaning of Trump’s Letter

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 10 February 2017
by Jia Xiudong (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Fiona McAllister. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
On Feb. 8, President Trump sent a letter to Chinese Premier Xi Jinping that garnered widespread international attention. The letter has been interpreted as demonstrating the importance of U.S.-Sino relations, indicating that the direction U.S.-Sino relations are taking has affected the nerves of both parties now that Trump has taken office.

This letter was initially a courtesy, thanking Xi Jinping for his congratulations on Trump winning the presidency, and sending wishes to the Chinese people for the new Year of the Rooster. The letter also contained some substantive expression of Trump’s desire to “develop a constructive relationship that benefits both the United States and China.” “Constructive” and “mutually beneficial” are the two key concepts in this letter. Compare this to how Trump spoke before he became the president and you can see a marked difference. As the U.S. government has just changed, U.S.-Sino relations are full of uncertainty, so of course, there was some meaning behind this.

Of course, this letter alone cannot be interpreted as being a weather vane for Trump's policy toward China, nor can it be taken as a barometer of U.S.-Sino relations. Trump’s foreign policy is still being formed and is bound to be followed by enormous controversy. Trump could intentionally keep his foreign policy and actions vague and unpredictable.

From today’s perspective, in order to ensure “constructive” and “mutually beneficial” U.S.-Sino relations, the two countries will have to deal with three issues: concrete bilateral issues; regional and global issues; and the issues of relations between one country rapidly rising to power, and another maintaining its power. To determine the direction that U.S.-Sino relations will take during Trump’s period of office we need to assess the concrete issues, but we also need to take a step back from the concrete issues and look at the wider picture, the overall situation.

The first thing to examine is the process of U.S.-Sino relations. Since 1972, the policy of successive U.S. presidents toward China has appeared to waver, but the U.S. and China need one another; the fundamentals of cooperation have not, and will not, change. Nixon was widely known as being anti-communist but pursued enthusiastic discussions with China in the “week that changed the world.” Reagan was another president who had an intense anti-communist complex, and yet, together with China, produced the Aug. 17 communiqué and created close relations between the two countries. Clinton’s policy toward China depended on human rights and commercial trade; however, he ultimately chose to cut ties. So, U.S.-Sino relations have been through more than 40 years of development, and the length and breadth of the benefits to both countries have already reached unprecedented levels. With this sort of background, when one benefits, both benefit; when one loses out, both lose out.

Second is the development of global power. Both China and the U.S. are beneficiaries of globalization, and both countries have been strengthening their coordinated and cooperative responses to negative aspects of globalization. In recent years, China has relied on the diplomatic strategy of a mutually profitable and constant growth of strength and cooperation to create a huge amount of diplomatic room in which to maneuver when the U.S. starts to play its strategic games. U.S.-Sino relations are the most important, but not the only, kind of bilateral relations for China, and China will not capitulate to American pressure.

Third is the overall situation between China and the United States. Trump’s campaign slogan was “Make America Great Again,” and these words appeared on the White House website home page after Trump took office; this is Trump’s “American Dream.” For China, to “achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese people” is the “Chinese Dream.” Looking at it in a literal sense, both countries are using different methods to achieve the same result. We just need to expand cooperation and control the divergence, and only then will we see both countries realize their dreams.

Clearly, to develop constructive and mutually beneficial U.S.-Sino relations, cooperation is necessary. Just as Premier Xi Jinping pointed out, cooperation is the only proper option available to the U.S. and China. Trump has expressed to Xi Jinping that the U.S. and China can achieve a mutually beneficial win-win situation. He ought to have said that both countries have acknowledged – and have a common understanding of – developing the two countries’ constructive and mutually beneficial relations. Currently, both countries need to increase their positive interactions with one another to ensure U.S.-Sino relations do not fail; and to ensure that both countries come through this breaking-in period quickly.

There is a common saying in China: “The meal is remembered long after the wait is forgotten,” which means that good things in life are worth waiting for. I hope that the first meeting of the Chinese and American heads of state can turn this breaking-in period into the start of positive interactions between the U.S. and China.

The author is a special commentator for this newspaper, and a distinguished researcher for the China Institute of International Studies.


特朗普的来信别有意味

美国总统特朗普8日致信中国国家主席习近平,受到国际舆论广泛关注。一封信引来众多解读,充分显示了中美关系的重要性,说明特朗普执政后中美关系的走向牵动着各方神经。
  这封信首先是礼节性的,感谢习近平主席函贺特朗普总统就职并顺祝中国人节日愉快、鸡年兴旺;其次也具有实质含义,表达出愿与习近平主席“共同推动中美建设性互利关系”的愿望。“建设性”和“互利”是这封信的两个关键词,这与特朗普此前涉华言论的基调相比,有不小的差别。这样的表态在美国政府刚刚换届、中美关系充满不确定性之际,显然别有一番意味。
  当然,这样一封信还不足以成为特朗普对华政策的风向标和中美关系的晴雨表。特朗普政府的对外政策仍在形成中,其过程注定伴随着巨大争议。同时,特朗普也可能会有意保持对外政策和行动的“模糊性”和“不可预测”。
  从目前阶段看,要确保中美关系的“建设性”和“互利”,中美双方需要处理好三个层次的问题:双边具体问题;地区和全球性问题;崛起大国与守成大国的关系问题。判断特朗普执政期间中美关系的走向,既要看具体问题,又要跳出具体问题看大势、大局。
  一是中美关系进程。从1972年算起,美国历任总统对华政策出现各种摇摆,但中美相互需要、合作为主的基本面没有也不会变。尼克松以反共著称,却开启中国之行,津津乐道于“改变世界的一周”;另一位具有强烈反共情结的总统里根,与中国达成“八一七公报”,并发展了密切的战略关系;克林顿对华执意要搞人权与贸易挂钩,最终却自行脱钩……中美关系经过40多年的发展,双方利益交融已达到前所未有的广度和深度。在这样的大背景下,双方合则两利、斗则俱伤。
  二是世界发展大势。中美都是全球化的获益者,两国加强协调与合作才能应对全球化带来的各种负面影响。近年来,中国凭借不断增长的综合实力与合作共赢的外交战略,创造了巨大的外交空间,在与美国的战略博弈中拥有很大的回旋余地。中美关系是中国最重要的一对双边关系,但不是唯一,中国不会屈从于美国的压力。
  三是中美两国大局。特朗普的竞选口号“让美国再次伟大”在特朗普入主白宫后一直出现在白宫网站的首页,这是特朗普的“美国梦”。对中国来说,“实现中华民族伟大复兴”,是“中国梦”。从字面上看,二者有异曲同工之妙。只有拓展合作、管控分歧,才能保证两国共同圆梦。
  显然,要发展中美建设性互利关系,合作是应有之义。正如习近平主席指出的,合作是中美两国唯一的正确选择。特朗普对习近平表示,美中两国可以实现互利共赢。应该说,双方对发展中美建设性互利关系有基本认知和共识。目前,两国需要加强良性互动,确保中美关系的基调不走偏,确保两国关系较快度过磨合期。
  中国有一句俗话,“好饭不怕晚”。希望中美元首的这一次互动能成为这一磨合期中美良性互动的开端。
  (作者为本报特约评论员、中国国际问题研究院特聘研究员)
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