Elementary Colonialism

Published in La Jornada
(Mexico) on Feb 3, 2018
by Editorial Board (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Robert Sullivan. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson began a tour of Latin America in Mexico yesterday with the explicit purpose of strengthening bilateral and regional efforts to combat transnational crime and address the issue of immigration with authorities in Mexico, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala, Panama, Costa Rica, Belize and the Caribbean nations. In addition, Tillerson scheduled meetings with President Enrique Peña Nieto and foreign ministers Luis Videgaray, and Canada’s Chrystia Freeland.

Tillerson's visit, it must be said, does not augur well for bilateral relations, nor for relations between the United States and the countries of the rest of the North American continent. Last Wednesday, Tillerson met with three senators (one Republican and two Democrats) who expressed their concern about what they called the malignant influence of the Russian government in Latin America and, particularly, in the ongoing electoral process in Mexico.

In his own way, the secretary of state endorsed that position by pointing out that, in Latin America, there is a growing and even alarming Chinese and Russian presence, which he incidentally labeled predators, criticizing China and Russia for unfair economic practices (alluding to Beijing) and for selling arms to regimes that do not participate in the democratic process (in reference to Moscow). In contrast to those he called imperial powers, the chief U.S. diplomat referred to his own country as a multidimensional partner that helps both sides.

These claims amount to unequivocal signs of cynicism and ignorance; characteristic features of the Donald Trump administration as a whole, given that, if any great power has been characterized by its predatory commercial and economic practices and by its military support for Latin American dictatorships, it is precisely the United States; and it has been characterized by Tillerson’s department itself, where innumerable coups d'état, totalitarian military regimes and massive violations of human rights have taken shape. The great tormentor of Latin American society, together with political oligarchies and local military commanders, has been, since the century before last, the United States, not Russia or China.

And if today these two countries have increased their presence in various areas in the region, this is explained by the ongoing process of globalization, by the greater competitiveness of Chinese trade with respect to the United States, and because after 9/11, Washington lost interest in Latin America, and focused its fight on the Middle East and Asia Minor. Recently, the crusade against free trade and international cooperation undertaken by Trump himself has created space in the subcontinent that have been occupied by China and Russia, yes, but also by economies allied with the White House.

However, ignorant of that multiplicity of factors, Tillerson serves as a spokesman for the basic reaction that is possessiveness – the everlasting American belief that everything located south of the Rio Grande is Washington's backyard – a reaction that comes before the inexorable diversification of political, commercial, technological, cultural and military relations experienced by the region. The paradox is that this kind of possessive instinct currently lacks programming, policy and strategy, and is reduced to being a simple return of the brutal terms of the Monroe Doctrine: America for Americans, which, translated into Spanish, has been, in fact, Latin America for the Americans.

With regard to Mexico, Tillerson’s allegation about Russian presence is pure smoke from the dirty campaigns that proliferate in the current electoral process, and it is deplorable and exasperating that certain opinions lend themselves to serving as a sounding board for rumors without evidence, because judging by the delusion that results, it is clear that Washington has decided to use the allegations as an instrument to interfere in our internal political affairs, which inexorably weakens national sovereignty.

What there is, for the time being, is abundant, solid and incontrovertible evidence of American interventionism in Mexican politics, and Tillerson's own words are part of it.





El secretario de Estado estadunidense, Rex Tillerson, inició ayer en nuestro país un periplo por América Latina con el propósito explícito de fortalecer el trabajo bilateral y regional en materia de combate a la delincuencia trasnacional y abordar el tema migratorio con autoridades de México, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala, Panamá, Costa Rica, Belice y naciones caribeñas. Asimismo, el funcionario tenía previstas en su agenda reuniones con el presidente Enrique Peña Nieto y con los cancilleres Luis Videgaray y Chrystia Freeland (Canadá).
La visita de Tillerson, debe decirse, no es un buen augurio para las relaciones bilaterales ni para los vínculos de Estados Unidos con los países del resto del continente americano. El miércoles pasado recibió la visita de tres senadores (uno republicano y dos demócratas) que expresaron su preocupación por lo que denominaron influencia maligna del gobierno ruso en América Latina y, particularmente, en el proceso electoral en curso en México. A su manera, el secretario de Estado hizo suya tal postura al señalar que en Latinoamérica hay una creciente e incluso alarmante presencia de China y de Rusia, a los que tildó de manera tangencial de depredadores y criticó por prácticas económicas desleales (aludiendo a Pekín) y por vender armas a regímenes que no comparten el proceso democrático (en referencia Moscú). En contraste con esos a los que llamó poderes imperiales, el jefe de la diplomacia estadunidense se refirió a su propio país como un socio multidimensional que beneficia a ambos lados.

Los acertos citados son una muestra inequívoca de cinismo y de ignorancia –rasgos característicos de la administración Trump en su conjunto–, habida cuenta que si una gran potencia se ha caracterizado por sus prácticas comerciales y económicas depredadoras y por su apoyo militar a gobiernos dictatoriales latinoamericanos ha sido, precisamente, el estadunidense, y ha sido en la oficina que encabeza el propio Tillerson donde se han gestado innumerables golpes de Estado, regímenes militares totalitarios y violaciones masivas a los derechos humanos: el gran verdugo de las sociedades latinoamericanas, en asociación con oligarquías políticas y mandos castrenses locales, ha sido, desde el siglo antepasado, Estados Unidos, no Rusia ni China. Y si hoy estos dos países han incrementado su presencia en diversos ámbitos en la región, ello se explica por el proceso de globalización en curso, por la mayor competitividad del comercio chino frente al estadunidense y porque desde el 11 de septiembre de 2001 Washington dejó de interesarse en América Latina para enfocarse en sus guerras en Medio Oriente y Asia Menor. En fechas recientes, la cruzada contra el libre comercio y la cooperación internacional emprendida por el propio Trump ha creado en el subcontinente espacios que han sido ocupados por China y Rusia, sí, pero también por economías aliadas de la Casa Blanca.

Sin embargo, en desconocimiento de esa multiplicidad de factores, Tillerson funge como vocero de una reacción primaria de posesividad –la de la sempiterna creencia estadunidense de que todo lo que se sitúa al sur del río Bravo es el patio trasero de Washington– ante la inexorable diversificación de relaciones políticas, comerciales, tecnológicas, culturales y militares que experimenta la región. Lo paradójico es que esa suerte de instinto de posesión carece, en el momento actual, de programa, política y estrategia, y se reduce a un simple retorno de los términos brutales de la llamada Doctrina Monroe: América para los americanos, cuya traducción al español ha sido, en los hechos, Latinoamérica para los estadunidenses.

Por lo que se refiere a México, la supuesta presencia rusa esgrimida por el visitante es puro humo procedente de las campañas sucias que proliferan en el proceso electoral en curso, y resulta deplorable y exasperante que ciertos sectores de opinión se presten a servir como caja de resonancia a un rumor sin pruebas, porque por fantasmagórico que resulte es claro que Washington ha decidido usarlo como instrumento de injerencia en nuestros asuntos políticos internos, lo que debilita inexorablemente la soberanía nacional. Las que hay, por lo pronto, son pruebas abundantes, sólidas e incontrovertibles de intervencionismo estadunidense en la política mexicana, y las propias palabras de Tillerson son una de ellas.
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