Blood Cocktail

Published in El País
(Spain) on 17 October 2018
by Lluís Bassets (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Madeleine Brink. Edited by Eric Stimson.
The cocktail was unstable, and sure enough, it has just exploded. The two ingredients: a medieval, cruel and bloodthirsty prince mixed with an economically globalized country that is the world’s most important petroleum exporter, a partner in the biggest multinational companies and a top investor in European and American markets, the second largest client in the global weapons trade and a strategic ally protected by the global superpower, directed by the chaotic presidency of Donald Trump.

The tragic death of Jamal Khashoggi at the hands of a hitman hired by the heir to the throne, Mohammed bin Salman, is a new and grave breakdown in globalization during the Trump era. Crimes such as what happened at the consulate in Istanbul have occurred many times throughout history, but few with such centrality and capacity to destabilize the globe. Whoever conceived of this crime, following the old format for a state assassination, did not think about globalization. Even as it is breaking down, the globalized world is still at a stage that is difficult to sneak away or hide from.

This case is unlikely to be investigated. In theory it should be investigated by an internationally credible institution that this type of crime would require. But even without corroboration that he is responsible for this crime, MBS is already seen by the world as a bloodthirsty tyrant like many others that have made their marks in Arab history. He is not the visionary reformer that is going to modernize and open Saudi Arabia, as Mikhail Gorbachev did with the Soviet Union. Rather, he is among the foremost examples of murderous leaders, taking his place beside Saddam Hussein and Moammar Gadhafi, both of whose stories ended badly, and Hassan II, who died in his sleep, but who had made his adversary, Mehdi Ben Barka, disappear in 1965, kidnapped, killed and probably dissolved in acid.

This murder affects the stability of the Saudi government, a feudal monarchy without laws – not even laws of succession – and ruled through power relations. Force, then, is the ruler, and it is interpreted as strictly as possible under Islamic law. MBS, suspect number one, will find it more difficult to succeed his father, King Salman. In spite of the regime’s lack of transparency, it is common knowledge that a rift divides the extensive family, which is especially terrified after MBS detained and confiscated the wealth of 200 princes and magnates. Royal fear has been intensified now that someone like Khashoggi, an adviser and confidante to princes, ministers and former monarchs, has been killed.

The breakdown will also affect MBS’s economic plans and his top-down reforms, including Aramco’s debut on the market, which was going to be the world’s largest ever initial public offering. More importantly, Saudi Arabian relations with the world will be affected, and as a consequence, so will the region’s geopolitical balance, including two open wars in which Saudi Arabia is actively and controversially participating – one in Syria and another in Yemen. Trump and his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, a personal friend of MBS, will have a hard time convincing anyone, especially Congress, that it is Iran that is the face of evil in the Middle East. The White House still hasn’t realized it, but the blood cocktail could explode onto those that don’t get away in time.


El cóctel era explosivo y acaba de estallar. Dos son sus ingredientes: un príncipe medieval, cruel y sanguinario y un país de economía globalizada, primer exportador de petróleo, socio de las principales multinacionales e inversor de máximo nivel en las bolsas europeas y americanas, segundo cliente del mercado armamentístico mundial y aliado estratégico y protegido de la primera superpotencia bajo la caótica presidencia de Trump.

La trágica muerte de Jamal Khashoggi en manos de los sicarios del heredero de la corona, Mohamed bin Salman (MBS) es una nueva y grave avería en la globalización desgobernada de la época trumpista. Crímenes como el del consulado de Estambul ha habido muchos en la historia, pero pocos han tenido tanta centralidad y tanta capacidad desestabilizadora. Quien lo concibió, siguiendo viejas pautas del asesinato de Estado, no contaba con la globalización. Incluso averiada, es un escenario en el que es difícil escabullirse y ocultarse.

A falta de la única e improbable investigación que requeriría el caso, por parte de una institución internacional con credibilidad, MBS ya es a ojos del mundo un tirano sangriento más como los han visto a puñados los árabes en su historia, y no el reformador visionario que iba a modernizar y abrir Arabia Saudí como hizo Gorbachev con la Unión Soviética. Ahora está en el frontispicio de los gobernantes asesinos junto a Sadam Hussein y Mohamed Al Gadafi, que terminaron muy mal, o de Hasan II, que murió en la cama, pero también hizo desaparecer a un adversario como Mehdi Ben Barka en 1965, secuestrado, asesinado y probablemente disuelto en ácido.

Este asesinato afecta a la estabilidad del Estado saudí, una monarquía feudal sin reglas, ni siquiera de sucesión, que se rige únicamente por las relaciones de poder —la fuerza, por tanto— bajo la ley islámica interpretada de la forma más rigorista posible. MBS, como sospechoso número uno, tendrá alguna dificultad adicional para suceder a su padre, el rey Salman. A pesar de la opacidad del régimen, se sabe que la grieta divide a su extensísima familia, especialmente aterrorizada después de que MBS detuviera y confiscara los bienes de 200 príncipes y magnates, y más ahora cuando liquida a alguien como Khashoggi, que fue consejero y confidente de príncipes, ministros y anteriores monarcas.

La avería afectará también a los planes económicos de MBS y a sus reformas desde arriba, incluida la salida a bolsa de Aramco, que iba a ser la mayor de la historia. Pero sobre todo a las relaciones saudíes con el mundo y, como consecuencia, al equilibrio geoestratégico de la región, y a las dos guerras abiertas, una en Siria y otra en Yemen, en las que tiene una polémica y activa participación. A Trump y a su yerno Jared Kushner, amigo personal de MBS, les será más difícil convencer a alguien, en concreto al Congreso de los Estados Unidos, respecto a la preeminencia de Irán en la jerarquía de la maldad en Oriente Próximo. La Casa Blanca todavía no se ha enterado, pero el cóctel de sangre puede salpicar a quien no se aparte a tiempo.
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