There Is More to America than Trump

Published in El País
(Spain) on 12 November 2018
by Francisco G. Basterra (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Megan Smith. Edited by Tiana Robles.
The president needs to learn that the United States is a government of laws and not people.

In a time of strong leaders and right-wing populism, we run the risk of confusing countries with their leaders. Countries stay and leaders change. The recent legislative elections in the first world power highlight our error. The United States is something more – much more – than Donald Trump, just as Brazil is much more than Jair Bolsonaro and Russia is more than Vladimir Putin.

On Nov. 6, the Democrats took control of the House of Representatives, winning the legislative counterweight to the control of the presidency, and ending two years of Trump’s monopoly. Republicans, however, consolidated their control of the Senate, illuminating a divided government and an America split in two. The constitutional counterpower returns to the legislature and brings with it the possibility of limiting the outlandishness of a bizarre president. Trump, however excessive his right-wing populism may be, cannot lead the world’s largest democracy to autocracy.

The result proves that the 2016 election of the construction magnate was no accident. Trump retains a solid electoral base, covering predominantly the entire center of the country: a breadbasket of votes fed by his racist defense of the increasingly dwindling white majority, with “America First” as a heritage of a singular identity. His support is further strengthened by an excessive anti-immigration policy.

The Democrats get better results with a number of identities and a return to the multicolored patchwork quilt, which better represents the numerous identities of today’s America. Presidential historian Joseph J. Ellis describes this when talking about the United States’ biggest issue, stating that the U.S. is trying to do what no country has ever done before: create a truly multiracial society in a huge nation of 325 million people. The Democratic Party has become strong in the metropolises of urban America and in its suburbs, which doesn’t mean people just like them, but neighborhoods that welcome middle and upper-class professionals.

Without a huge rejection of Trump, which hasn’t happened, it’s difficult to imagine that the polarizer-in-chief will change his tone or policies. But he needs to learn that the United States is a government of laws and not people. And that the U.S. and its Constitution are so much more than Trump. Yesterday, he attended the centenary of the armistice of World War I in France, and along with European leaders, he received his first lesson in history: that nationalism is war.



El presidente deberá aprender que EE UU es un gobierno de leyes y no de personas

***beneath image***
Protesta en Nueva York contra el presidente de EE UU, Donald Trump, tras la renuncia forzada del fiscal general Jeff Sessions, el pasado 8 de noviembre. EDUARDO MUNOZ ALVAREZ (AFP)

En época de líderes fuertes y nacionalpopulismos corremos el peligro de confundir a los países con sus dirigentes. Los países permanecen y los líderes cambian. Las recientes elecciones legislativas en la primera potencia mundial nos ilustran sobre este error. Estados Unidos es algo más, mucho más, que Trump, como Brasil, más que Bolsonaro, o Rusia, más que Putin.

El 6N los demócratas se hicieron con la Cámara de Representantes, propiciando el contrapeso del legislativo y el control de la presidencia, acabando con dos años de monopolio de Trump. Los republicanos consolidaron, sin embargo, su dominio del Senado alumbrando un Gobierno dividido, para una América partida en dos. Regresa el contrapoder constitucional al legislativo y con él la posibilidad de limitar los excesos de un presidente excéntrico y alérgico a cualquier control. Trump, por muy excesivo que sea su nacionalpopulismo, no puede llevar a la mayor democracia del mundo a la autocracia.

El resultado prueba que la elección del magnate de la construcción en 2016 no fue un accidente. Trump conserva una base electoral sólida, sobre todo en el inmenso centro del país. Granero de votos alimentados por su defensa racista de la cada vez más declinante mayoría blanca, la América primero como patrimonio de la identidad única. Cuyo favor refuerza también por su desmedida política antinmigración.

Los demócratas mejoran resultados con la suma de identidades, la vuelta al edredón de retazos multicolor, que representa mejor la identidad múltiple de EE UU hoy. Joseph J. Ellis, historiador de la presidencia, reflexiona sobre el gran problema de EE UU: intentamos hacer lo que ningún país ha hecho antes, crear una sociedad auténticamente multirracial en una enorme nación de 325 millones de habitantes. El Partido Demócrata se hace fuerte en las metrópolis de la América urbana y sus suburbios, que no significan lo que los nuestros, sino barrios que acogen a profesionales de rentas medias y altas.

Sin un rechazo masivo a Trump, que no se ha producido, se hace difícil creer que el polarizador en jefe cambie de tono y de políticas. Pero deberá aprender que EE UU es un gobierno de leyes y no de personas. Y que EE UU y su Constitución son mucho más que Trump. Ayer, en Francia, donde asistió al centenario del Armisticio de la Primera Guerra Mundial, junto a los líderes europeos, recibió su primera lección de historia: el nacionalismo es la guerra.
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