Anti-China: Trump and Biden’s Cards

Published in China Times
(Taiwan) on 9 July 2020
by I-hsin Chen (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Pinyu Hwang. Edited by Elizabeth Cosgriff.
The United States has sent a letter to the United Nations informing it of the United States’ withdrawal from the World Health Organization as of July 6, 2021. Presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden has declared that if elected president in November, he would announce on his first day assuming office, Jan. 20, 2021, that the U.S. will not withdraw from the WHO, in a manifestation of the neck-to-neck battle between the two candidates. However, are Biden and Donald Trump really as diametrically opposed on foreign policy as they appear to be on the surface?

Some people have said that Biden in the White House would be "Obama 3.0," but this is only superficial. During his time in office, Barack Obama did not seek to rectify the years of U.S. neglect of international organizations, which has allowed China to take advantage of a number of weaknesses and obtain control of the agenda-setting, financial and personnel resources of the United Nations as well as affiliated and related organizations. By the time Trump discovered that the United States has been the largest contributor to the organization, but the WHO only complies with Beijing's orders, it was too late.

Of course, Trump is not the typical unilateralist. He simply does not want to be trapped in multilateral organizations that compromise U.S. interests, like NAFTA and the Trans-Pacific Partnership. He has never seriously considered withdrawing from NATO, which is still dominated by the United States, but only asked that all members raise their defense budgets to 2% of their gross national product.

Unlike Trump, Biden has emphasized that he would "restore American leadership on the world stage" if elected. It is easy to foresee that if Biden is elected, the U.S. will actively involve itself in the United Nations and its affiliated organizations, and will once more seek to play a hegemonic leadership role.

Both Trump and Biden have put out the word to unite U.S. allies and partners to form an "anti-China alliance," and if Trump can successfully convene the Group of Eleven summit in September, it would undoubtedly help boost his standing in the election. However, Germany, which has been deeply at odds with Trump, has already said it will not participate; South Korea and Australia, which have been formally invited, are overjoyed; the United Kingdom and Canada are highly suspicious of Trump's invitation of Russia; and Russia has taken the opportunity to stress that the summit would miss out on a lot without China's participation, intentionally stirring up trouble and casting the anti-China alliance in a different light.

Over the past few years, Beijing has mastered Trump's decision-making style and behavior, and is confident that he will only cause annoyance domestically and create powerful enemies internationally, and therefore does not fear his reelection. Rather, Xi Jinping is more worried that his old friend Biden would make use of strategic empathy to appeal to allies in the formation of an anti-China alliance. This so-called strategic empathy means that Biden understands the needs of allied leaders and, combining this knowledge with his personal interactions with them, will succeed in his attempts at persuasion.

Despite his close personal relationship with Xi, Biden had no choice but to raise the anti-China banner in the time leading up to the Nov. 3 election, even calling Xi a "thug" after mainland China's passage of the Hong Kong National Security Law. But if Biden is elected president, will he really cut ties with Xi? Of course not. In this regard, Biden, like Trump, knows that national interest is the supreme guiding principle that governs foreign policy. The list of issues that the U.S. and China can exchange based on their interests and cooperation is endless, and Biden's strategic empathy will also allow him to have an easier time managing the U.S.-China relationship.

Lately it could be said that for Trump, when it rains it pours. First, former White House National Security Advisor John Bolton's book declares that Trump is "unfit" for the presidency. Then his niece, Mary Trump, claims in her new book that Trump only got accepted to the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School of Business by paying someone to take his exams, discrediting him in a nation where high value is placed on academic honesty. Faced with a formidable opponent in Biden, and the two new books like sharp swords at his neck, Trump is caught between a hammer and an anvil. It will be difficult for Trump to have the presence of mind to deal with the election as well as manage domestic and foreign affairs.

The author is a professor emeritus in the department of diplomacy and international relations at Tamkang University.


美國已致函聯合國,告知自2021年7月6日起退出聯合國世界衛生組織(WHO)。民主黨總統準候選人拜登表示,若11月當選總統,他將在2021年1月20日上任第一天宣布不會退出世衛,顯示兩人針鋒相對。然而,拜登與川普在外交政策上真如表面上所看到的那麼南轅北轍?

有人說,拜登如入主白宮,將是「歐巴馬3.0」,其實這話似是而非。歐巴馬任內並未力圖匡正美國多年來忽視國際組織的缺失,以致中國大陸趁虛而入,把持聯合國以及附屬與相關組織的議程設定、財政與人事大權。及至川普發現美國出資最多,但世衛卻唯北京之命是從,為時已晚。

當然,川普也不是典型的「單邊主義者」,只是他不想被困在《北美自由貿易協定》與《跨太平洋夥伴協議》等美國利益受損的多邊組合。對於美國尚能主導的《北大西洋公約組織》,他從未認真考慮要退出,只是希望成員國都能將國防預算提升到國民生產毛額的2%。

與川普不同的是,拜登這次強調他如當選,他將「恢復美國在世界舞台上的領導地位」。可以預見,一旦拜登當選,美國將會積極參與聯合國以及聯合國附屬組織和相關組織的活動,並再度尋求扮演霸權領導的角色。

川普與拜登都揚言要聯合美國的盟國與夥伴成立「反中聯盟」,川普若能在9月成功召開「11工業國高峰會」(G11)當然有助於拉抬他的選情。只是,和川普極不對盤的德國已表明不參加,正式獲邀的南韓與澳大利亞則喜出望外,英國與加拿大對川普請來助陣的俄羅斯表示高度疑忌,俄羅斯並趁機拿翹,強調峰會若沒有中國參與勢將失色不少,存心攪局,讓「反中聯盟」變調。

北京這幾年已掌握川普決策風格與行事作風,認為他只會在國內惹人厭,外樹強敵,並不怕他連任。習近平反而擔心他的「老友」拜登上台會用「戰略同理心」號召盟友成立「反中聯盟」。所謂「戰略同理心」就是拜登會瞭解盟友領導人的需要,加上他與他們的私交,打動他們的心。

儘管拜登與習近平私交甚篤,但在11月3日大選前,他也別無選擇地高舉「反中」大旗,在大陸通過《香港國安法》後,他甚至還以「惡棍」稱呼習近平。但是,一旦拜登選上總統,難道他會真的與習近平割袍斷義?當然不會。在這方面,拜登與川普一樣,都知道國家利益才是主導外交政策的最高指導原則。美中之間可以進行利益交換與合作的議題不甚枚舉,何況拜登的「戰略同理心」也可讓他處理雙方關係更為得心應手。

最近,川普可說「屋漏偏逢連夜雨」,先是白宮前國安顧問波頓出書說他「不適任」總統一職,接著他的姪女瑪麗也在新書說他連考進賓州大學華頓商學院都是找槍手代勞,讓他在美國這個重視「學術誠實」的國家名譽掃地。面對拜登這位強勁的對手,加上兩本新書有如兩把利劍,讓他腹背受敵,川普恐怕很難有心思與心情處理選舉、內政與外交。

(作者為淡江大學外交與國關學系榮譽教授)
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