Pompeo’s Plan To Recognize Taiwan’s Sovereignty May Spark Conflict in Taiwan Strait

Published in China Times
(Taiwan) on 4 March 2022
by Ho Szu-shen (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Eric Berman. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
Recently, U.S. President Joe Biden sent an unofficial delegation — a bipartisan group of former high-level national security and foreign policy officials — to Taiwan to meet with President Tsai Ing-wen and Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) Chairman Eric Chu. But at the same time, former U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, accepting an invitation from the Prospect Foundation, a government and foreign policy think tank in Taiwan, paid a visit to the island. Why are prominent U.S. political figures visiting Taiwan in close succession amid the Russia-Ukraine conflict? The circumstances certainly invite conjecture.

The security conflict between Russia and NATO has intensified because of the discord in eastern Ukraine. Despite efforts to alleviate tension, the U.S.-China relationship has worsened. With the international community drawing analogies between Ukraine and Taiwan, the people of Taiwan are even more worried about cross-strait relations. However, the Taiwan Strait is not the Black Sea, and Chinese President Xi Jinping is certainly not Russian President Vladimir Putin. You would be hard-pressed to predict the U.S.-Japan alliance's response to a clash between China and Taiwan by looking at the situation in Ukraine.

Though the U.S. supports the security of its NATO allies, Biden is still unwilling to send troops to Ukraine's aid. During the Cold War, the U.S. and USSR went 40 years without direct combat. But as Russia's replacement of the Soviet Union was unable to resolve the security quandary between Russia and Europe, ultimately NATO's eastern expansion prompted Putin to draw a line in the sand over Ukraine. Not only did Putin firmly oppose Ukraine joining NATO, but he also ordered a military invasion of his country's western neighbor, bringing the U.S. and Russia as close to war as two sides can get.

Biden is cautious about sending troops into Ukraine because he wants to avoid pushing all of humankind into war; doing so would bring "the long peace," which has lasted since the end of World War II, to a sudden close. If the U.S.-Russia conflict evolves into a multinational war in Europe between NATO and Russia, "Pax Americana" will certainly be relegated to the history books. Allowing war is absolutely not in America's strategic interests, and the Biden-led U.S. political establishment won't be anyone's cat's paw and launch a hasty military intervention in Ukraine.

The Taiwanese government — both major parties — and the Taiwanese people alike welcomed Biden's unofficial delegation. The delegation's visit can convey a clearer foreign policy signal via direct dialogue between the U.S. and Taiwan; in addition, it can prevent a miscalculation in the Taiwan Strait while the Russia-Ukraine conflict continues to expand. But during his visit to Taiwan, Pompeo seemed to strike a different tone from that of the incumbent Biden. Pompeo also revealed a strategy unlike that of the U.S. political establishment.

Pompeo criticized Biden for his "strategic ambiguity" on Ukraine, which the former believes encouraged Russia's invasion.* He also urged the U.S. to recognize the reality of the sovereignty of the Republic of China (Taiwan); this, he believes, is the only way to achieve so-called clarity. Pompeo also noted that perhaps some will see his proposed course of action as provocation. However, Pompeo argued that the way to truly provoke a powerful country is to reveal a lack of resolution: The absence of determination gives bullies an opening.

Since Pompeo's remarks in Taipei were obviously outside the bounds of the Three Joint Communiqués and the Taiwan Relations Act, it would likely be challenging to adopt his proposal as part of America's future policy toward China. Even if Republicans retake the reins of government, or further — even if Pompeo becomes the next president — it's unlikely that the U.S. will use diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (Taiwan) to play hardball with Beijing.

Pompeo believes diplomatic recognition of Taiwan's sovereignty is unrelated to the island's future: It is, in his view, the acknowledgment of an apparent truth. But if the U.S. officially recognized Taiwan's independence, America would pay an enormous price in its diplomatic dealings with China. Plus, America wouldn't make Taiwan, or East Asia as a whole, any safer by pursuing this policy. Beijing's approach to Taiwan is flexible, but its red line is clear. Pompeo's plan to establish diplomatic ties with both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan) might give Beijing a pretext to use military force against Taiwan; this would achieve nothing except to ignite a conflict in the Taiwan Strait.

It's impossible to predict whether the U.S.-Japan alliance would intervene in a conflict between China and Taiwan. However, one thing is certain: If conflict erupts, Taiwan will be pushed toward war. Maybe Pompeo wants to take out two opponents in one fell swoop, making China and Russia both targets of a blockade by Western countries and causing the world to descend into a second cold war, thereby allowing the U.S. to maintain its current status. But China is certainly not Russia. Russia's economic dealings with the West are primarily based on energy, while China has exceedingly complex trade relations that span the entire globe. In the short term, Western nations can foot the bill for significant increases in the price of energy and raw materials resulting from sanctions on Russia. However, cutting ties with China's market, thus forcing a reboot of globalization, is a different story altogether. There are likely few countries that would want to follow the U.S. down that path.

The author is a distinguished professor in the Department of Japanese Language and Culture at Fu Jen Catholic University in Taiwan. He is also the director of the school's Center for Japan and East Asia Studies.

*Editor's Note: This quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.


時論廣場》蓬佩奧的「雙重承認」恐令台海生波(何思慎)
19:55
2022/03/04
言論
何思慎

美國拜登總統派遣跨黨派前高層國安及外交官員組成非正式代表團訪問台灣,拜會蔡總統及國民黨主席朱立倫,但與此同時,美國前國務卿蓬佩奧亦應政府外交智庫遠景基金會邀請訪台。在俄烏衝突之際,美國政治要角相繼來台,其意義為何,頗令人玩味。


俄羅斯與北約(NATO)的安全矛盾因烏克蘭東部問題陷入白熱化,美中關係更顯治絲益棼。國際社會亦藉烏克蘭問題類比台灣問題,使國人對兩岸關係更添不安,但台海不是黑海,習近平更非普丁,難以烏克蘭局勢管窺在台海衝突時美日同盟的對應。

然而,美國雖力挺北約盟國的安全,但拜登對派兵馳援烏克蘭仍態度保留。二戰結束後,美蘇冷戰對峙40年未曾兩軍對決,但俄羅斯取代蘇聯無法緩解歐俄的安全困境,「北約東擴」終究使俄國總統普丁決定以烏克蘭畫下紅線,堅決反對烏克蘭加入北約,並進兵烏克蘭,將美俄帶入最接近戰爭的位置。

拜登對出兵烏克蘭謹慎以對,此無非避免戰後至今的「長和平」戛然而止,將全人類推向戰爭。因美俄衝突擴大為北約與俄國的歐陸集團式大戰,「美國治世」(Pax Americana)勢必化為烏有,此絕非美國的戰略利益所在,拜登領軍的美國建制派不會火中取栗,貿然軍事介入烏克蘭。

台灣朝野兩大黨歡迎拜登的非正式代表團來訪,除能透過台美直接對話,傳達更清楚的外交訊息外,亦能在俄烏衝突方興未艾之際,避免兩岸誤判。但蓬佩奧來台似乎與執政的拜登不同調,其透露與美國建制派的不同謀畫。

蓬佩奧批評拜登對烏採取「戰略模糊」,助長俄國入侵烏克蘭,主張應該承認中華民國(台灣)的主權事實,唯有如此始能達到所謂的清晰、明確。蓬佩奧也說,或許有人會認為此為挑釁,但真正對強權的挑釁其實是缺乏決心的展現。一旦沒有決心,才會讓強權有機可趁。

蓬佩奧在台北的發言顯然逾越美中「三公報」及《台灣關係法》的框架,恐難在未來落實為美國的對華政策,即使2024年美國共和黨重返執政,甚至蓬佩奧成為美國下屆總統,下此帖猛藥對抗中國的可能性亦不高。

雖然,蓬佩奧認為外交承認中華民國(台灣)無涉台灣未來的獨立,而是承認明確的既存事實,但此若成為美國對台的新政策,無疑將使美國對中外交付出極大代價,也不會使台灣及東亞更安全。北京在對台政策上雖具彈性,但「紅線」清晰,蓬佩奧的「雙重承認」將可能授與北京對台動武的口實,徒令台海生波。

屆時,美日同盟是否介入,雖無法預判,但台灣勢將被推向戰爭。或許蓬佩奧想一石二鳥,將中、俄一起畫入被西方陣營圍堵的範圍,使世界再陷「冷戰」,以此維繫美國的地位。但中國並非俄國,中國與全球的經貿關係盤根錯節,此異於俄國與歐美以能源為主體所建構的經濟關係。制裁俄國所造成的能源及原物料價格大漲,短期間內西方各國尚能埋單,但斷捨離中國市場將使全球化打掉重練,會願意追隨美國的夥伴應該不多。

(作者為輔仁大學日文系所特聘教授、日本暨東亞研究中心主任)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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