Urgent and Important
The monster is lurking all the time. Trump wants all the wealth that exists, wherever it may be.
Former President Dwight D. Eisenhower is credited with using a four-quadrant matrix to organize government tasks. They could be a) urgent and important (requiring continuous attention); b) not urgent but important (they should be scheduled); c) urgent but not important (they should be delegated; or d) not urgent and not important (they should be deferred or eliminated.)
The 4T project’s motto was for the good of all, the poor first; it is an urgent and important task. It will remain so indefinitely. It is urgent because there are millions of people living in extreme poverty, and many are going hungry: the elderly, the middle-aged, girls and boys. It is urgent, and nothing is more important than ending poverty and extreme poverty. It is also important because it is the way to maintain the support and votes that will keep poverty at bay.
In 1995, when Evo Morales was the Ayamara people's lead coca grower, he responded to an insult from an officer at the Copacabana prison by saying, “This ‘fucking Indian’ is going to be your president.” And so it was. In 13 years of government, Morales reduced poverty from 60% to 34%; the gross domestic product grew at an average of 4.9% per year; illiteracy was eradicated. Today, everything has gone to hell. The misfortune did not come suddenly. It was built over 1,000 small events that occurred in the short term.
On Aug. 21, Eric Farnsworth, senior associate at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C., hysterically celebrated the fall of Morales' Movement for Socialism in an article for The Washington Post: "For the United States ... Bolivia's sudden change presents an opportunity [lithium, did you know?]. Latin America is in the midst of an electoral realignment. It began in Argentina with the election of conservative Javier Milei. Ecuador followed with the election of centrist Daniel Noboa. In both countries, voters responded to the failures and excesses of previous leaders. Now it is Bolivia's turn, and elections are coming up in Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica and Honduras. Once Bolivia's new president takes office, the United States, other democratic allies, and institutions such as the IMF should offer their strong support for reforms that will rejuvenate the country's economy. Washington, in particular, should lift the 15% tariffs imposed on Bolivia, an impoverished nation that exports little to the United States and desperately needs support to relaunch liberal democracy."
The imperialist monster is on the prowl at all hours. Trump wants all the wealth that exists, wherever it may be. And he wants to flaunt his billions. The White House is now lined with gold, even the picture frames. Trump and his government detest anything that smacks of the left, the people, or progressivism: they fear them in the extreme. They know that one day they could be their downfall. Trump will use all his power to prevent this. Extending his life of opulence at the expense of the poverty or hunger of others is his permanent mission.
The U.S. wants to see the National Action Party or the Institutional Revolutionary Party in power, satisfying the American elite in its every whim and folly. To prevent this, Mexico has no other recourse than for the Mexican people to support the 4T project with their votes so that it can continue to serve those same people. But that support and those votes could unravel because of myriad short-term events that worsen the living conditions of those at the bottom. Those myriad events could occur because the government is unable to stop them, even though it perceives the progressive decline. In that case, the productive base and established work force cannot produce the goods and services required to meet the needs of those at the bottom: then hardship would set in, and disaster would strike. This is what happened with the governments of Morales, Nestor and Cristina Kirchner, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in his first term, and Rafael Correa, etc.
Hardship ensues because, as the population grows and its well-being increases, the total consumption of goods and services rises. At some point, the productive base cannot supply that consumption; prices will begin to rise and social well-being will decline. The productive base does not grow because private investment, and therefore employment, slows down. In turn, this occurs because the rate of return on new investments decreases or is insufficient, and because the interest rate is too high in relation to profitability. Public investment may also fall because the impact of the new conditions increases the fiscal deficit. Consumption of goods will decline, and public services (education, health) will be reduced. This dynamic will lead to social unrest and, at some point, to the abandonment of an originally progressive government. In Mexico, the use of the productive base does not seem to have peaked: wage increases and social programs have been met with a response from the productive base. But the productive base is growing weakly, and so is investment.
The description is schematic, but this is, in essence, what is happening.
Former President Dwight D. Eisenhower is credited with using a four-quadrant matrix to organize government tasks. They could be a) urgent and important (requiring continuous attention); b) not urgent but important (they should be scheduled); c) urgent but not important (they should be delegated; or d) not urgent and not important (they should be deferred or eliminated.)
The 4T project’s motto was for the good of all, the poor first; it is an urgent and important task. It will remain so indefinitely. It is urgent because there are millions of people living in extreme poverty, and many are going hungry: the elderly, the middle-aged, girls and boys. It is urgent, and nothing is more important than ending poverty and extreme poverty. It is also important because it is the way to maintain the support and votes that will keep poverty at bay.
In 1995, when Evo Morales was the Ayamara people's lead coca grower, he responded to an insult from an officer at the Copacabana prison by saying, “This ‘fucking Indian’ is going to be your president.” And so it was. In 13 years of government, Morales reduced poverty from 60% to 34%; the gross domestic product grew at an average of 4.9% per year; illiteracy was eradicated. Today, everything has gone to hell. The misfortune did not come suddenly. It was built over 1,000 small events that occurred in the short term.
On Aug. 21, Eric Farnsworth, senior associate at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C., hysterically celebrated the fall of Morales' Movement for Socialism in an article for The Washington Post: "For the United States ... Bolivia's sudden change presents an opportunity [lithium, did you know?]. Latin America is in the midst of an electoral realignment. It began in Argentina with the election of conservative Javier Milei. Ecuador followed with the election of centrist Daniel Noboa. In both countries, voters responded to the failures and excesses of previous leaders. Now it is Bolivia's turn, and elections are coming up in Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica and Honduras. Once Bolivia's new president takes office, the United States, other democratic allies, and institutions such as the IMF should offer their strong support for reforms that will rejuvenate the country's economy. Washington, in particular, should lift the 15% tariffs imposed on Bolivia, an impoverished nation that exports little to the United States and desperately needs support to relaunch liberal democracy."
The imperialist monster is on the prowl at all hours. Trump wants all the wealth that exists, wherever it may be. And he wants to flaunt his billions. The White House is now lined with gold, even the picture frames. Trump and his government detest anything that smacks of the left, the people, or progressivism: they fear them in the extreme. They know that one day they could be their downfall. Trump will use all his power to prevent this. Extending his life of opulence at the expense of the poverty or hunger of others is his permanent mission.
The U.S. wants to see the National Action Party or the Institutional Revolutionary Party in power, satisfying the American elite in its every whim and folly. To prevent this, Mexico has no other recourse than for the Mexican people to support the 4T project with their votes so that it can continue to serve those same people. But that support and those votes could unravel because of myriad short-term events that worsen the living conditions of those at the bottom. Those myriad events could occur because the government is unable to stop them, even though it perceives the progressive decline. In that case, the productive base and established work force cannot produce the goods and services required to meet the needs of those at the bottom: then hardship would set in, and disaster would strike. This is what happened with the governments of Morales, Nestor and Cristina Kirchner, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in his first term, and Rafael Correa, etc.
Hardship ensues because, as the population grows and its well-being increases, the total consumption of goods and services rises. At some point, the productive base cannot supply that consumption; prices will begin to rise and social well-being will decline. The productive base does not grow because private investment, and therefore employment, slows down. In turn, this occurs because the rate of return on new investments decreases or is insufficient, and because the interest rate is too high in relation to profitability. Public investment may also fall because the impact of the new conditions increases the fiscal deficit. Consumption of goods will decline, and public services (education, health) will be reduced. This dynamic will lead to social unrest and, at some point, to the abandonment of an originally progressive government. In Mexico, the use of the productive base does not seem to have peaked: wage increases and social programs have been met with a response from the productive base. But the productive base is growing weakly, and so is investment.
The description is schematic, but this is, in essence, what is happening.
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