Resumed Sino-U.S. Military Ties Are a Good Thing

Published in Zaobao
(Singapore) on 8 October 2010
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Peixin LIN. Edited by Hoishan Chan.
China and the U.S. have decided to reestablish military ties that were severed earlier this year. Defense ministers of both countries will meet on the sidelines of the inaugural ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting (ADMM) to be held in Vietnam’s capital, Hanoi, beginning Oct. 12, 2010.

Military ties between the two countries have a long history. According to the Chinese academic Yang Kai’s analysis, since the establishment of Sino-U.S. relations in 1979, military ties between the two can be divided into three stages: 1) the “honeymoon” in the 1980s — facing the threat of the Soviet Union together; 2) the “rollercoaster” period (after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990) — the U.S. viewing China as a “competitor,” with security interests no longer tied together; and 3) the “critical” period into the 21st century — both countries having shared security interests in the Asia-Pacific region (maintaining regional peace and preventing regional military conflict have become key concerns of both countries).

Looking back at the 30 years of Sino-U.S. relations, it is not hard to realize that the relationship has not been smooth-sailing, but is rather erratic. Over this course, the U.S. has voluntarily severed ties; for example, when President George H. W. Bush announced sanctions against China on June 5, 1989, Defense Secretary Richard Cheney immediately suspended a previously planned visit to the U.S. by Chinese Navy Commander Zhang Lianzhong and then-Defense Minister Qin Jiwei. Military ties were suspended for five years, and communication only resumed between the military leadership with the mutual visits of the PLA’s Deputy Chief of Staff Xu Huizi and U.S. Defense Secretary William James Perry in 1994.

The most recent interruption to Sino-U.S. military ties was initiated by the Chinese. In January of this year, the Obama administration announced in Congress that the U.S. will be selling $64 billion worth of military equipment to Taiwan. This touched the core interests of China negatively, and China thus halted mutual military visits, citing “inconvenient timing” in rejecting U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates’ visit to China, leading to the suspension of military ties for almost 10 months.

Regretfully, during the suspension of military ties, several events in the Asia-Pacific region led to further tensions between the two countries. After the Cheonan sinking, the U.S. and South Korea announced a joint-military exercise in the Yellow Sea. Though this decision was made against North Korea, the military exercises were located close to Chinese waters. Hence, the PLA held artillery drills in the East Sea (Sea of Japan) in response, leading to escalated military tensions.

Also during this period, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton stated that territorial disputes in the South China Sea are tied to U.S. national interests, triggering a diplomatic incident. Later, Japan detained Chinese trawler captain Zhan Qixiong, who was fishing in the waters of Diaoyu Islands (Senkaku Islands to the Japanese), an area of territorial dispute. Clinton, in a meeting with Japanese Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara on Sept. 23, explicitly pointed out that the Senkaku Islands fall under the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty.

It is not hard to deduce that if China and the U.S. continue along this state of rising tensions and not think of solutions, relations are bound to deteriorate. This is not only disadvantageous to China, who urgently needs a peaceful and stable diplomatic environment to continue economic development, but is surely viewed undesirably by the U.S.

Speaking at The Nixon Center in Washington in late July, Deputy Secretary of State James B. Steinberg articulated that the lack of permanent Sino-U.S. military ties in the face of escalating tensions in Asia is the main challenge faced by both countries. He also said that ongoing disputes, along with the difference in opinions regarding the issue of free navigation in the South China Sea, meant that both parties necessarily have to embark on sustained and deep military talks.

The visit by National Security Advisor Thomas E. Donilon and Director of the National Economic Council Lawrence H. Summers to China in early September was viewed as a sign of reconciliation between the two countries. At the same time, the American media reported that the Pentagon was actively promoting dialogue with China, hoping to rejuvenate Sino-U.S. military ties.

China’s Ministry of Defense announced the day before that Defense Minister Liang Guanglie and the U.S. defense secretary will meet on the sidelines of the upcoming ADMM, clearly a positive response to the U.S.’ desire to restore Sino-U.S. military ties. Hopefully, substantive military cooperation that is advantageous to both countries and to regional or even global peace will develop, contrary to one camp of public opinion which believes that the upcoming meeting serves only to construct a favorable atmosphere for Chinese President Hu Jintao’s visit to the U.S. early next year.

The Soviet Union as a common enemy no longer exists. While terrorism and extremism are critical to global security, they are insufficient to unite China and the U.S. against an external threat. Thus, in developing long-term and stable Sino-U.S. military ties, the starting point can only be the consolidation and development of shared security interests. The Chinese “harmonious world” concept and the American “responsible stakeholder” or “G2” (translated in Chinese as “Sino-U.S. joint rule”) approach could, after reaching a consensus through discussion, become guiding principles in improving Sino-U.S. relations, including military ties.




中美恢复军事交流是好事

 中国和美国决定恢复两国于今年初中断的双边军事交流关系。两国国防部长定于本月12日假越南首都河内启动的首届“亚细安加八国防长扩大会议”(简称“十加八防长会议”)上,举行场边会晤。

  中美双边军事交流关系由来已久,根据中国学者杨凯的分析,自从中美于1979年建交以来,两国的军事交流大致可以分成三个阶段:一、1980年代两国共同面对苏联军事威胁的“蜜月期”;二、1990年代苏联解体后,两国共同安全利益不复存在,美国反而把中国视为“挑战者”的“跌宕期”;三、21世纪以后,中美在亚太地区有共同安全利益,保持区域和平,防止发生地区军事冲突成了两国主要关切问题的“关键期”。

  回顾过去三十年的中美双边交流,不难发现到这个关系并非一帆风顺,而是时好时坏。其间,曾经发生过美国主动中断交流,例如1989年6月5日美国总统布什宣布对华制裁措施后,美国国防部长切尼随即宣布暂停对原计划的中国海军司令员张连忠和国防部长秦基伟的访美安排,两国军事交流自此中断五年之久,直到1994年才通过解放军副总参谋长徐惠滋和美国防长佩里的先后互访,恢复了两军高层交往。

  最近这一次的中美双边军事交流中断,是由中方喊停的。原因在于,奥巴马政府在今年1月通知国会将出售64亿美元(约87亿新元)的军备给台湾,触及中国的核心利益,中方于是宣布中止中美两军的互访项目,包括以“时机不方便”为由拒绝美国防长盖茨访华,导致中美军事交流基本停顿近十个月。

  遗憾的是,在中美军事交流停顿期间,本区域发生了好几次令两国关系趋于紧张的事件。美韩两国在“天安舰事件”后,宣布将在黄海举行联合军演。此举虽是针对朝鲜,但是因为演习区域邻近中国领海,解放军也在东海举行了实弹演习,中美军事关系陷入紧张。

  另一方面,这段时期还发生了美国国务卿希拉莉就南中国海问题表态,指出这与美国的国家利益有关,引发中美外交战的事件。之后,又发生了日本扣留在钓鱼岛(日方称为“尖阁列岛”)水域捕鱼的中国渔船船长詹其雄的事件,而希拉莉国务卿9月23日在与日本外长前原诚司会谈时,则明确指出《日美安保条约》适用于尖阁列岛。

  不难想象,中美若任由两国之间的这种剑拔弩张的状态持续下去,而不思补救,两国关系势必进一步恶化。这不仅不利于迫切需要一个和平稳定的外部环境来持续进行经济建设的中国,也绝非美国所乐见。

  7月底,美国常务助理国务卿斯坦伯格在华盛顿“尼逊中心”演讲时,就明确指出美中两国缺乏持久的军事关系是亚洲局势紧张之际,两国面对的主要挑战。他还说,中美之间出现争端,加上双方对在中国近海能否自由航行的问题存在分歧,因此,两国展开持续与深化的双边军事会谈是必要的。

  9月初,美国总统国家安全事务副助理多尼隆和白宫国家经济委员会主任萨默斯同时访问中国,被视为中美关系回暖的标志。当时,就有美国媒体报道,五角大楼正在积极地和中国展开对话,希望能重新启动两国的军事交流。

  中国国防部前天宣布,中国防长梁光烈和美国防长将在“十加八防长会议”上举行场边会晤,显然是中方对美方希望重启双边军事交流的正面回应。希望两国恢复军事交流后,将能开展一些既有利于两国,也有利于区域乃至国际安全的实质合作,而不是像部分舆论所分析的那样,只是为了中国国家主席胡锦涛明年初的访美之行,营造良好气氛。

  苏联这个中美共同强大敌人已经不复存在,而继之而起的恐怖主义及极端主义,虽是目前世界安全之大患,但还不足以成为把中美重新扭成一团的外部威胁力量。职是之故,中美若要建立起长期稳固的双边军事交流关系,只能以巩固和发展两国的共同安全利益作为出发点,而中方提出的“和谐世界”国际观及美方提出的“利益相关者”或“中美共治”,不失为两国经过探讨后形成共识,用以促进两国包括军事交流在内的双边关系的指导原则。
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