Western Societal Pressures No Lighter Than Egypt’s

Published in Xinhua
(China) on 4 March 2011
by Gao Zugui (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Peixin Lin. Edited by Sarah Burton.
While the current social unrest in the Middle East is expressed differently in different countries, there are some similarities: They are mainly powered by the massive middle- and lower-middle classes who are unhappy with current socioeconomic conditions and disappointed in incumbent governments. Even as requests diverge from group to group, all groups are asking political leaders to step down. Social networking sites are showing off their prowess and protests today are not the same as in the past — there is neither one consolidated organization nor one leader.

Looking at a broad time scale, the current sociopolitical movement does not stand alone. Looking into the past and horizontally into other regions, the current movement reveals similarities to many previous movements, such as those in the West, Kenya and Kyrgyzstan. It can even be considered a kind of extension and expansion toward a climax. Part of that reason — or the direct trigger — is the global financial crisis of 2008, which increased the difficulty of economic development, leading to a worsening of the standard of living for the vast middle- and lower-middle classes, causing greater displeasure.

Whether it is the Tunisian and Egyptian street protesters or the U.S. tea party, they are all grassroots representatives who have made full use of the Internet to rally their movements. Protests result in change of leadership or in making administration more difficult. The Conservative Party took over after the British Labor Party failed to stimulate the economy for 10 years. United States President Barack Obama replaced the 8-year Bush Administration with the slogan “change.” These administration changes cannot be said to be totally different from the fleeing of Tunisia’s Ben Ali after 23 years in power or the stepping down of Egypt’s Mubarak after 30 years in power.

In other words, practically speaking, sociopolitical movements and changes in governments in the Middle East are no different in their basic natures from the changing of political leaderships through elections in the West and the exploration of the capitalist "Fourth Way" and "new capitalism." Citizens, in both cases, are motivated by the desire to better the country’s path and structure of development in an era of new technology or poor economic situations. The differences are in the methods used by the people in their endeavors. In countries in Europe and America, street protests and dissatisfaction end in elections that alter the political leadership and thus realize changes in political directions and reforms. Protests in the Middle East will first oust the incumbent powers before new political leaderships are chosen via elections or other methods, thus realizing new governance.

These basic commonalities and differences are consciously or unconsciously minimized or even ignored in international discourse largely led by Europe and the United States. In comparison, the West exaggerates and magnifies issues such as Middle Eastern religion (Islam), culture (radicalism) and political systems (authoritarianism) such that these almost become all that the so-called "international society" focuses on.

On the other hand, from a "vertical" perspective, at the epicenter of this round of sociopolitical unrest are new problems adding to the worsening old problems that lead to crises. Inflation continues to rise despite the financial crisis and, since 2007, the food crisis repeatedly pushes food prices upwards, adversely affecting the lives of the middle- and lower-middle classes. These problems react with the long-term basic socioeconomic problems such as high population growth, high unemployment and increasing income-inequality. These issues become superimposed upon each other, strengthening the other, causing long-term accumulations of social contradictions to burst forth. To that, add the inefficacy and helplessness of the government, and finally there is a systematic failure resulting in chaos.

To a large degree, the epicenter could be traced further back to external and internal stress brought upon by 9/11 or to the earlier Cold War and the resultant politics and socioeconomic reforms pursued by Middle Eastern countries. Thus, what is happening today is the long-term continuation and deepening of historic transformations. In other words, if governments had been able to merge national interests with global trends, to persist in pushing for reforms and policies to better satisfy population majorities, then perhaps they would have been spared the current sociopolitical movement.

I foresee that this round of sociopolitical movements, after sweeping through Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Algeria, Yemen, Bahrain, Oman and Iran, will continue to expand and impact even more countries. Not only will peace in the short-term be difficult, there may even be more dramatic changes deeply affecting the entire region’s politics, economy, society, culture and international relations.

Gao Zugui is a professor at the CPC Party Central School’s Institute of International Strategic Studies.


欧美的社会压力不比埃及轻

当前发生在中东的社会政治运动,尽管在各国表现有所不同,但仍有不少共同之处:主要力量是对社会经济现状不满和对当政者失望的广大中间阶层和中下层民众:各个群体的诉求尽管不同,却都要求执政者下台:社交互联网络在其中大显威力;斗争的形式不同于以往,既没有统一的组织,也没有统一的领导。

从更为广阔的时空背景看,这场社会政治运动并不孤立。从横向上比较,其与欧美、肯尼亚及吉尔吉斯斯坦等更多国家发生的社会动荡都有共通之处,甚至可以视为一种延伸扩展扣高潮涌起。部分原因或直接的导火线都是2008年全球金融经济危机加重经济发展困难,导致广大中间阶层和中下层民众生活境况恶化而加剧不满等。无论是突尼斯扣埃及的街头抗议者,还是美国的“荼党”,都多为各自国家的“草根” 阶层代表,都充分利用互联网发起运动。抗争所导致的结果也是政府换人或者执政更加艰难。英国执政10余年的工党因刺激经济不力被保守党取代,美国奥巴马在 “变革”口号下取代执政8年的布什,这与突尼斯执政23年的本·阿里出逃和埃及执政30年的穆巴拉克下台不能说没有颇多相似之处.

换言之,就实质而言,中东所发生的社会政治运动和政府更替,与欧美民众通过选举改变议会或政府以及探索资本主义“第四条道路”和“新资本主义”,都是在新的科技和经济形势下为寻找和调整更好的国家发展方向、发展道路和发展模式而做出的努力和探求,两者并没有根本性的差异。不同之处在于努力和探求所采取的部分形式和路径,欧美等国民众的街头抗议和不满最终通过选举和选票来改变执政者和议政者,进而实现国家大政方针的调整和改革:中东国家则是民众的抗议示威首先终结了现政权.然后再通过选举或其他形式来确立新政权,进而采取新的国家政策。这些基本的共同点和不同点,在欧美主导的国际舆论中被有意或无意地被压缩甚至忽略。相比之下,西方所关切的中东国家的宗教(伊斯兰教)、文化(激进主义)和政治制度(威权统治)等因素则被聚焦和过度放大,甚至近乎成为所谓“国际社会”关注的全部。
另一方面,从纵向联系起来看,此轮社会政治运动 “震源”,是新问题加重老问题进而导致多重危机集中爆发。金融经济危机背景下通货膨胀持续加重,从 2007年开始持续4年左右的粮食危机不断推高粮食价格致使中下层民众生活变得愈加艰难,这些问题与长期存在的高人口增长、高失业率和两极分化严重等基础性社会经济问题相互叠加、强化、激荡,使得长期累积酝酿的社会矛盾短时间内迅速激化,加上政府应对失据无力,终于酿成系统性崩盘的大乱。

在很大程度上,“震源” 甚至可以进一步追溯至“9·11”事件后乃至更早的冷战后中东国家在内外巨大压力下开始实施的政治、经济和社会的变革与调整,是较长时期以来历史性转型的延续和深化。换言之,如果有关国家的执政者在此前就能结合自身国情和世界大势,坚持不懈地推进各方面改革和政策调整,较好满足本国多数民众各方面诉求,那么兴许就能幸免于当前这场社会政治运动,据此前瞻,此轮社会政治运动在席卷突尼斯、埃及、利比亚、阿尔及利亚、也门、巴林、阿曼和伊朗后,势必蔓延和冲击更多国家,不仅短期内难趋平稳,甚至还可能引发更加剧烈的变动,对整个地区的政治、经济、社会、文化和国际关系造成深远影响。(作者是中共中央党校国际战略研究中心教授。高祖贵)
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