Haiti Caught in Game of Influence
Published in Le Figaro
(France) on 25 January 2010
by Tanguy Berthemet (link to original)
(France) on 25 January 2010
by Tanguy Berthemet (link to original)
Translated from
by Corinne P. Kevorkian.
Edited by Brigid Burt.
With 3,500 men on Haitian soil and 9,000 on the water, the United States has imposed its leadership on the conduct of rescue operations in Haiti.
The sight of a Humvee (an American army jeep) passing through the streets of Port-au-Prince is no longer a source of astonishment. The Marines and soldiers of the 82nd Airborne Division were deployed in the capital to prevent the catastrophe from erupting into chaos. In total, 3,500 troops are on the ground in Haiti, having come not only from the United States but also from Canada, the second component of this international mission. On the water, some 9,000 marines were mobilized to support this deployment. “There will not be any more. Nothing has been planned on that front,” affirms Edmond Mulet, the U.N. official in Haiti. Washington’s plan to send 16,000 troops in two contingents of 8,000 each has been revised downward in the end. According to a source close to the U.N., Brazil, which was the first to contribute troops to the 7,000 Blue Helmets stationed on the island, is opposed to this. Brasilia even threatened to withdraw some of its own troops.
Tension among the U.N., the United States and the Haitian government — the three components now sharing power on the island — remains high, and their respective missions rather vague.
“Washington seems to have decided, for the time being, to keep a low profile so as not to offend the Haitians and South American people,” explains an international public official. An agreement, signed on Saturday with the local authorities, officially conferred on the United Nations the coordination of international aid to one million disaster victims. The Blue Helmets are also supposed to ensure the city’s security with the Haitian police.
Ready to intervene in case of need, the American troops are only taking care of securing food distribution, which continues to face great challenges. “Upon my request, the Americans’ missions can evolve,” insists Mulet.
The long-term aid plan being formulated for Haiti seems to rest on two components. In the coming days, foreign troops could be spread around the country. Americans would be concentrated in the capital, while the Canadians would be in charge of the provinces. The U.N. then is considering modeling its measures on those taken in Afghanistan. Each volunteer nation would be given responsibility for directing the reconstruction and development of a particular Haitian region.
On Monday [25 January], these projects had not yet received the indispensable endorsement from Washington. While remaining discreet, the United States does not intend to withdraw from the Haitian drama. The U.N. is being reminded that “the American army alone maintains control over the harbor and the airport, which was taken in the hours following the earthquake.” This management of the points of entry into Haiti does not come without creating tension among the different players. For many, delays in the distribution of aid were tied to the United States’ takeover of the harbor and airport. “That’s all the ambiguity of the current operation,” sums up the head of an NGO. “The U.N. is in charge of coordinating everything, but it cannot decide what comes in and out of the country.” Gen. Ken Keen, commander of the American contingent, disputes any favoritism. “There are no more than 25 percent of American airplanes landing in Port-au-Prince. Our priorities are the same as the U.N.’s: food and medical care.”*
As represented by Bill Clinton — Ban Ki-moon’s special envoy — the United States possesses another important asset to invite itself into future policies that may be put into place in Haiti. The big loser in this wrestling for influence is the Haitian government, which struggles to make its voice heard.
*Editor’s Note: The original quote, accurately translated, could not be verified.
The sight of a Humvee (an American army jeep) passing through the streets of Port-au-Prince is no longer a source of astonishment. The Marines and soldiers of the 82nd Airborne Division were deployed in the capital to prevent the catastrophe from erupting into chaos. In total, 3,500 troops are on the ground in Haiti, having come not only from the United States but also from Canada, the second component of this international mission. On the water, some 9,000 marines were mobilized to support this deployment. “There will not be any more. Nothing has been planned on that front,” affirms Edmond Mulet, the U.N. official in Haiti. Washington’s plan to send 16,000 troops in two contingents of 8,000 each has been revised downward in the end. According to a source close to the U.N., Brazil, which was the first to contribute troops to the 7,000 Blue Helmets stationed on the island, is opposed to this. Brasilia even threatened to withdraw some of its own troops.
Tension among the U.N., the United States and the Haitian government — the three components now sharing power on the island — remains high, and their respective missions rather vague.
“Washington seems to have decided, for the time being, to keep a low profile so as not to offend the Haitians and South American people,” explains an international public official. An agreement, signed on Saturday with the local authorities, officially conferred on the United Nations the coordination of international aid to one million disaster victims. The Blue Helmets are also supposed to ensure the city’s security with the Haitian police.
Ready to intervene in case of need, the American troops are only taking care of securing food distribution, which continues to face great challenges. “Upon my request, the Americans’ missions can evolve,” insists Mulet.
The long-term aid plan being formulated for Haiti seems to rest on two components. In the coming days, foreign troops could be spread around the country. Americans would be concentrated in the capital, while the Canadians would be in charge of the provinces. The U.N. then is considering modeling its measures on those taken in Afghanistan. Each volunteer nation would be given responsibility for directing the reconstruction and development of a particular Haitian region.
On Monday [25 January], these projects had not yet received the indispensable endorsement from Washington. While remaining discreet, the United States does not intend to withdraw from the Haitian drama. The U.N. is being reminded that “the American army alone maintains control over the harbor and the airport, which was taken in the hours following the earthquake.” This management of the points of entry into Haiti does not come without creating tension among the different players. For many, delays in the distribution of aid were tied to the United States’ takeover of the harbor and airport. “That’s all the ambiguity of the current operation,” sums up the head of an NGO. “The U.N. is in charge of coordinating everything, but it cannot decide what comes in and out of the country.” Gen. Ken Keen, commander of the American contingent, disputes any favoritism. “There are no more than 25 percent of American airplanes landing in Port-au-Prince. Our priorities are the same as the U.N.’s: food and medical care.”*
As represented by Bill Clinton — Ban Ki-moon’s special envoy — the United States possesses another important asset to invite itself into future policies that may be put into place in Haiti. The big loser in this wrestling for influence is the Haitian government, which struggles to make its voice heard.
*Editor’s Note: The original quote, accurately translated, could not be verified.
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