2012 Review and Forecast: The Arab World in the Midst of Turbulence

Published in Guangming Web
(China) on 8 January 2012
by Yu Yi (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Edward Seah. Edited by Derek Ha.
The Jasmine Revolution that broke out in Tunisia at the end of 2010 spread at a speed that no one expected in the Arab world, consisting of western Asia and North Africa. Egypt, Algeria, Yemen, Libya, Syria, Bahrain and other countries were swept into this political tsunami, one after the other. The Arab League, in an unprecedented move, froze Libya and Syria’s statuses as member nations. The NATO nations launched a military offensive against Libya, culminating in the downfall of the Libyan government. The impact and scope of the Jasmine Revolution has unarguably become one of the hottest topics in the world.

This political tsunami in the Arab world has rewritten the histories of several Arab nations and broken the traditional regional political territories and structure. The reasons for the movement's formation, the process it went through and its future prospects will become fresh, precious historical material that can be used for reference for studies of the region and of the world.

On Dec. 17 2010, a Tunisian street vendor named Mohamed Bouazizi sparked off a revolution on the streets by setting himself ablaze. The street revolutions that started in succession in the other Arab countries thereafter started basically as peaceful protests with no rigorous organization, leadership figures or fixed objectives. These subsequently revolutions turned into bloody conflicts. Soon afterward, the overthrowing of governments and dictators became the ultimate goal of the revolutionaries. Such was the case in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak were either exiled or overthrown, imprisoned and tried, all in the span of less than a month. Moammar Gadhafi and Ali Abdullah Saleh were also either killed or forced to give up authority within a few months. This sequence of peaceful protests, violent conflict and overthrowing of leaders almost became a model for achieving success in street revolutions. Such a model might be followed by other Arab countries and other countries around the world facing similar situations, causing it to become a popular phenomenon. Even superpowers like the U.S. and the UK are worried that such a phenomenon would spread to their own countries.

Mubarak, Gadhafi, Saleh and company were well-known powerful figures with iron fists in the Arab world. They gathered all the authority in the country unto themselves, became a law unto themselves and held on to power for lengths of time ranging from 20 to 40 years. They had even thought of passing on their power to their sons. In the face of the street revolutions, however, these iron-fisted governments, with their high-handed policies, lost their bite in an instant. The Arab revolutions proclaimed to the world that high-handed government and nepotism are no longer accepted by the Arab public. The model of family empires is history; this is a warning to other Arab nations as well as the rest of the world.

Centralized government and a lack of democratic freedom provides easy breeding ground for social ills like unfair social distribution, an excessively wide gap between the rich and poor, abuse of power, corruption, tyranny, severe unemployment and poverty. These were the main factors that caused the street revolutions in the Arab countries. In the first and second phases of Egypt’s parliamentary election, the Islamists, represented by the Muslim Brotherhood’s “Freedom and Justice Party” and the Salafi al-Nour Party, won many seats. The Islamist forces of Tunisia and Morocco were winners in the elections as well, while the influence of Islamists in Libya is also rapidly rising. The Islamists won by promising to end the ills mentioned above, winning the hearts of the people. The rapid rise of Islamists and their march toward seizing power has started to become a trend. Once the Islamists are in control, they will reform the governance model of the countries in accordance with their will; externally, they will adjust their relationships with other nations in the world, including the superpowers, in accordance with their own standards. We can deduce from this that once the Islamists are in control, they would undertake social reforms and structural changes that would significantly impact not only the Arab nations themselves, but also on these countries' international relations.

After 9/11, the U.S. and some Western nations have regarded Islam as the source of evil and terror. Their view of the street revolutions has shifted from that of looking on to that of giving support; they have attempted to take this opportunity to infuse the democratic values of the West into the Arab nations where the revolutions were taking place. Many experts and media have pointed out, however, that Islam’s democratic values are different from those of the West. The democratic values of the West cannot be accepted by the Islamic Arab nations. Some Egypt experts claim that Mubarak’s following of U.S. orders to make peace with Israel and ignore the Palestinians' problems was one of the important reasons for his overthrow. Egyptian protestors' attack of the Israeli embassy and demand that the supply of natural gas to Israel be cut was a display of their dissatisfaction with the U.S.’ siding with Israel and controlling of Middle Eastern policies, as well as Israel’s occupation of Arab territories and its cruel suppression of the Palestinians. After the Islamists seize control, the changes in the Arab nations' relationships with the West will profoundly impact the region's geopolitical situation.

2011 was a year of tremendous change in the Arab world. Though it is now difficult to determine where this turbulent movement is headed and how it will end, there is reason to believe that the Arab world is marching toward a better future.


2012回顾与展望:动荡中的阿拉伯世界

2010年底,突尼斯爆发的“茉莉花革命”以人们始料不及的速度在西亚和北非地区的阿拉伯国家中迅速蔓延,埃及、阿尔及利亚、也门、利比亚、叙利 亚、巴林等国相继卷入这场“政治海啸”。阿盟史无前例地在一年中冻结了利比亚、叙利亚两个成员国的资格,北约国家对利比亚进行了军事打击,促成了利政权垮 台。这场“政治海啸”影响之大、范围之广,无可争议地成为2011年最引人瞩目的世界热点问题之一。

阿拉伯世界的这场“政治海啸”改写了阿拉伯数国的历史,打破了传统的地区政治版图和格局,其形成的原因、经历的过程、发展的前景,对地区和世界都将成为国际研究借鉴的鲜活宝贵史料。

2010年12月17日,突尼斯小贩博阿齐齐以自焚的方式点燃了“街头革命”的火花。此后阿拉伯国家接连发生的“街头革命”基本上都是以无 严密组织、无领军人物、无既定目标的和平示威开始,继而演变成大规模的流血冲突,随后,推翻政权和统治者便成了“革命者”的终极目标,突、埃、利如出一 辙。本•阿里和穆巴拉克都在不到一个月的时间内或流亡国外或下台铁笼受审,卡扎菲和萨利赫也在几个月内或命赴黄泉或被迫交权。和平示威—暴力冲突—推翻政 权几乎成了“街头革命”取得成功的一种模式,这种模式今后有可能被其他阿拉伯国家和世界上情况类似的国家所效仿,成为一种流行现象。甚至美国、英国这样的 世界大国也对此现象可能蔓延到本国不无担心。

穆巴拉克、卡扎菲、萨利赫等都是阿拉伯世界赫赫有名的铁腕人物,将国家所有权力集于一身,独断专行,执政少则20余年,多则40年,他们还 都想传位给儿子。但在“街头革命”面前,这些铁腕统治和高压政策都立刻威风不存。阿拉伯“街头革命”以自己的行动向世界宣示,高压治国和搞世袭的做法已不 再被阿拉伯民众接受,家族统治模式已成为历史,这既是对阿拉伯国家,也是对世界的警示。

民主自由缺失、社会分配不公、贫富差别过大、以权谋私贪污腐败横行、失业贫困情况严重等集权统治下容易滋生的种种社会弊病是引发阿拉伯国家“街头革 命”的最主要因素。在埃及已经举行的第一、二阶段人民议会选举中,以穆斯林兄弟会“自由与正义党”和萨拉菲派“光明党”为代表的伊斯兰力量夺得多数席位, 突尼斯、摩洛哥的伊斯兰力量也在选举中成为赢家,利比亚伊斯兰势力的影响也在迅速上升。摈弃社会存在的上述弊端是伊斯兰势力选举获胜的法宝,也是赢得民心 的重要手段。阿拉伯国家的伊斯兰势力迅速崛起并向着夺取政权迈进已开始成为一种趋势。一旦伊斯兰势力掌权,对内必将按照自己的意愿对国家的管理模式进行改 革;对外将按照自己的标准调整与包括大国在内的世界国家的关系。由此可以推断,伊斯兰势力掌权后的阿拉伯国家的社会改革和结构调整不仅对这些国家本身、而 且也会对它们的外交政策与国际关系产生不可低估的影响。

“9•11”事件后,美国和一些西方国家把伊斯兰教视为罪恶、恐怖之源,对“街头革命”的看法也经历了由观望到支持的转变,并企图借机把西 方的民主价值观引入发生革命的阿拉伯国家。但许多阿拉伯专家和媒体都指出,伊斯兰教的民主价值观与西方的民主价值观并不是一回事,西方的民主价值观很难被 以穆斯林为主体的阿拉伯国家接受。有埃及专家称,穆巴拉克听命于美国,同以色列媾和及对巴勒斯坦问题漠不关心也是他被推翻的重要原因之一。埃及示威者冲击 以色列使馆,要求切断对以色列的天然气供应,便是发泄美国偏袒以色列和控制中东政策及以色列占领阿拉伯领土、对巴勒斯坦民众实施残酷镇压的不满。在“街头 革命”和伊斯兰力量得势后,美国及西方与这些阿拉伯国家关系的调整也将对地区新战略格局的形成有重要影响。

2011年是阿拉伯世界发生剧烈变动的一年。虽然目前尚难断定这次动荡最终的发展方向和结局,但人们有理由相信,阿拉伯世界将在变动中向着更美好的未来前行。
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