Newt and Mitt Arrive Late

Published in El Pais
(Colombia) on 4 February 2012
by Jorge Ramos (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Oscar Lees. Edited by .

Edited by Janie Boschma

Without the Latino vote, neither Newt Gingrich nor Mitt Romney will be able to reach the White House; that is the new rule of politics in the United States. And the way things are going, unless they change their stance toward illegal immigrants, they are going to lose the battle with President Barack Obama.

I interviewed Gingrich and Romney separately in a forum organized by Univisión, the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce and Miami Dade College. Their styles are diametrically opposed. Romney arrived from behind the scenes and left the way he came without getting photographed with the attendees. When responding to questions from the audience, he stopped, never moving from the same spot. He almost did not improvise answers and never set the public on fire. The former governor of Massachusetts always remained focused on his message. His communication and security teams have nothing to ask of Obama; in fact, Romney behaves almost as though he were already president.

Gingrich is more informal and less predictable. He entered through the middle of the audience, said a memorized greeting in Spanish and, before leaving, spent nearly 20 minutes getting photos taken with the attendees. He enjoys the exchange of ideas, so much so that at times he talks a little too much, but he knows how to fill the public with enthusiasm and to connect with them emotionally. His campaign has neither the discipline nor the money that Romney benefits from, and it shows: He arrived with far fewer bodyguards and assistants than Romney. Gingrich behaves like … Gingrich.

I asked Romney how much money he had and, as is normally the case with very rich people, he did not give me an exact figure. “Well … it’s between a $150 million and about $200 and some odd million. I think that’s what the estimates are,” he told me, and then went on to explain that he had not inherited any of the money from his parents.

Despite the fact that Romney’s father was born in Mexico, Romney does not consider himself Latino. “I don’t think people would think I was being honest with them if I said I was Mexican-American,” he told me, adding with humor, “But I would appreciate it if you’d get that word out.”

I had to ask Gingrich if he was not a hypocrite for criticizing and accusing Clinton during his presidency of having an affair with Monica Lewinsky. When Gingrich was leader of Congress, he had, at the same time as Clinton, a relationship outside of marriage with his current wife, Calista.

“I didn’t do the same thing,” he answered. “I never lied under oath … I have never been involved in a felony — he was.” The matter, of course, is not a legal question but a moral one. Yet Gingrich did not consider his attitude to be hypocritical.

The two candidates knew that they would be grilled on their immigration policy. Many Hispanic people see them both as anti-immigration and anti-Latino for rejecting immigration reform that would legalize 11 million illegal immigrants and for opposing the Dream Act, which would give legal residence status to some 2 million students who arrived very young with their parents.

Gingrich — who had accused Romney of being “anti-immigrant” in one statement — told me that Romney’s plan for self-deportation of millions of illegal immigrants was a “fantasy.” “Mitt Romney is not going to get the country to agree to kick out grandmothers and grandfathers.”

Romney believes that if a strict program were introduced to identify those people who can work legally and severely sanction those who employ illegal immigrants, “over time, people [without documents] will find it less attractive to be here if they can‘t find work here. Some refer to that as self-deportation.” Conversely, Gingrich’s proposed migration policy has softened. Although he is a faithful follower of Ronald Reagan — who in 1986 gave amnesty to 3 million people — he would not grant citizenship to illegal immigrants, but he would grant residence to those who have been living in the country for more than 20 years, provided they had not committed a crime.

But the novelty in Gingrich’s plan is that he would offer a work permit to those illegal immigrants who have been in the U.S. for less than 20 years. When I told him that current laws do not permit that, he responded: “We can write a law which makes them eligible to apply for the guest worker permit.” That is to say, Gingrich would not offer residence or citizenship to the majority of illegal immigrants, but he would offer “a work permit” and a little bit of hope.

Indeed, that little bit of hope is what Republicans need to give to the 12 million Latino voters in order not to lose the next election. Any Republican candidate needs at least one-third of the Latino votes to reach the White House. And the latest polls by Univisión, ABC and Latino Decisions indicate that Obama would easily win the Latino vote against Romney (67 percent versus 25 percent) and against Gingrich (70 percent versus 22 percent).

Romney and Gingrich alike have taken too long to understand the importance of the Latino vote. What they have said in the Republican nomination campaign has done them much damage among Hispanics. And it is very possible that, although they are now changing their discourse, they have arrived too late for the party.


Newt y Mitt llegan tarde

Sin el voto latino, ni Newt Gingrich ni Mitt Romney podrán llegar a la Casa Blanca. Esa es la nueva regla de la política en Estados Unidos. Y como van las cosas, a menos que cambien su postura sobre los indocumentados, van a perder frente a Barack Obama.

Entrevisté a Gingrich y a Romney por separado en un foro organizado por Univisión, la Cámara Hispana de Comercio y el Miami Dade Collage. Sus estilos son diametralmente opuestos. Romney llegó por detrás del escenario y se fue por el mismo lugar sin tomarse fotos con los asistentes. Cuando respondió preguntas de la audiencia, se paró y nunca se movió del mismo lugar. Casi no improvisa respuestas y el público nunca se prendió. El exgobernador de Massachussets se mantiene siempre enfocado en su mensaje. Su equipo de comunicación y de seguridad nada tiene que pedirle al del presidente Obama. Es más, Romney se comporta casi como Presidente.

Gingrich es más informal e imprevisible. Entró por el centro de la audiencia, hizo un saludo memorizado en español y antes de partir se pasó casi 20 minutos tomándose fotos con todos los asistentes. Disfruta el intercambio de ideas, tanto que a veces habla de más. Sabe entusiasmar al público y se conecta emocionalmente con él. Su campaña no tiene la disciplina ni el dinero de la de Romney, y se nota: llegó con muchos menos asistentes y guardaespaldas que Romney. Gingrich se comporta como... Gingrich.

A Romney le pregunté cuánto dinero tenía y, como suele ocurrir con la gente muy rica, no supo darme una cifra exacta. “Bueno, es entre 150 millones de dólares y unos 200 millones, algo así. Esos son los cálculos”, me dijo, y luego me explicó que él no había heredado nada del dinero de sus padres.

A pesar de que el padre de Romney nació en México, él no se considera latino. “No creo que la gente pensaría que soy honesto si les dijera que soy mexico-americano”, me dijo y agregó con humor: “Pero agradecería si se lo dejaras saber a la gente”.

A Gingrich tenía que preguntarle si no fue hipócrita el criticar y acusar al entonces presidente Bill Clinton por su amorío con Monica Lewinsky. Cuando Gingrich era el líder del Congreso él tuvo, al mismo tiempo que Clinton, una relación fuera del matrimonio con su actual esposa, Callista.
“Yo no hice lo mismo”, me contestó. “Yo nunca mentí bajo juramento. Nunca he estado involucrado en un delito. Y él sí lo hizo”. El asunto, desde luego, no es una cuestión legal sino moral. Pero Gingrich no consideró que su actitud era de hipocresía.

Los dos candidatos sabían que les preguntaría sobre su política migratoria. Muchos hispanos ven a los dos como antiinmigrantes y antilatinos por rechazar una reforma migratoria que legalizaría a 11 millones de indocumentados y por oponerse al ‘Dream Act’ que daría residencia legal a unos 2 millones de estudiantes que llegaron muy pequeños con sus padres.

Gingrich –que había acusado de “antiinmigrante” a Romney en un anuncio– me dijo que era una “fantasía” su plan de “auto-deportación” de millones de indocumentados. “Mitt Romney no va a conseguir que el país acepte la idea de expulsar a abuelas y abuelos”.

Romney cree que si se aplica un estricto programa de identificación de las personas que sí pueden trabajar legalmente y se sanciona con dureza a los que contraten indocumentados, “con el tiempo, la gente (sin documentos) ya no se sentirá atraída a quedarse aquí, porque no podrá encontrar empleo: y eso es lo que se llama “auto deportación”. En cambio, la política migratoria de Gingrich se ha suavizado. Aunque es un fiel seguidor de Ronald Reagan -que en 1986 dio una amnistía a 3 millones de personas- él no le daría la ciudadanía a los indocumentados, pero sí la residencia a aquellos que llevaran viviendo en el país, sin cometer un crimen, más de 20 años.

Pero lo novedoso del plan de Gingrich es que ofrecería un “permiso de trabajo” a los indocumentados que llevan en Estados Unidos menos de 20 años. Cuando le dije que las actuales leyes no permiten eso, respondió: “Podemos aprobar una nueva ley que permitiría a los indocumentados obtener un permiso de trabajo”. Es decir, Gingrich no ofrece residencia ni ciudadanía a la mayoría de los indocumentados, pero sí “un permiso de trabajo” y poco de esperanza.

Y ese poquito de esperanza es lo que necesitan darle los republicanos a 12 millones de votantes latinos para no perder la próxima elección. Cualquier candidato republicano necesita al menos una tercera parte de los votos latinos para llegar a la Casa Blanca. Y la última encuesta de Univisión, ABC y Latino Decisions indica que Obama le ganaría fácilmente el voto latino a Romney (67 % contra 25%) y a Gingrich (70% contra 22 %).

Tanto Romney como Gingrich se han tardado mucho en entender la importancia del voto latino. Lo que han dicho en la campaña para obtener la nominación republicana les ha hecho mucho daño entre los hispanos. Y es muy posible que, aunque ahora cambien de discurso, lleguen demasiado tarde a la fiesta.
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