So We Don’t Have To Ask How America Lost Egypt

Of all the wonders of the ancient world, the only one standing tall is the Pyramids of Giza from the time of the pharaohs 4,500 years ago. The armies of Persia, Alexander, Rome, the Arabs, Hyksos, the Ottomans and the British have camped in the pyramids’ shadows. Likewise, in 1798, it was there, where Asian cultures fused with African and Mediterranean nations in the melting pot of Egypt, that Napoleon solemnly addressed his soldiers: “Soldiers of France … Here 40 centuries gaze upon you.” This is Egypt of Africa, which, from its womb, brought forth the world — a heavy and fearsome ghost hovering among the pyramids.

In Moscow, Field Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sisi said that Egypt has “tremendous” problems, warning against the possibility of seeing the same things happen in Egypt that have already happened in Yemen, Iraq, Libya and Syria. So what is the lowest point Egypt can reach? And how will it escape such a fate?

If anyone would call this sentiment into question and put it in the context of its being offered by Field Marshal al-Sisi as a savior, then it’s clearly excessive. Most of this is in line with theorists from Washington think tanks, who, throughout the past decade, have feared the advancement of the Muslim Brotherhood, that it’s the wave of the future and includes the true representatives of Muslims in the region.

Even if we grant that there is some exaggeration in the field marshal’s comment, one should never underestimate the threat to the future of Egypt, which is finding its way on the path to building a new order. According to Foreign Minister Nabil Fahmi’s statement in a recent television interview, this new order will be “democratic.” This, of course, does not cancel out some worrisome signs, namely media reports alleging violence perpetrated against demonstrators.

Some of these criticisms are biased, coming from a desire to defend the Muslim Brotherhood. Some criticism is based on the pervasive classic Western doctrine, which wants Egypt and other countries to follow a strictly democratic line, like the traditional American system. Although experts belonging to the latter group enjoy respect and credibility, they miss the point when they demand that Egypt, with its long history, should totally reproduce the specifics of the American political recipe according to the exact timetable imposed upon them. These experts are quite confident, but lack humility. As for the first group, those biased toward the Brotherhood, they are intent on paving the way for the group to gain power throughout the region, believing them to be the legitimate representatives of the “burgeoning” Islamic stream, even if it means riding the election horse just once in order to achieve their main objective.

Al-Sisi and Fahmi put Moscow on their itinerary last week, seemingly as a step in the direction of the Russian bear and a step away from Washington. Americans, in turn, were quick to criticize Russia’s attempt at influencing the future of Egypt’s presidency as President Putin announced his support to al-Sisi’s candidacy for president of Egypt. Washington was then quick to send Jeffrey Feltman to a meeting with Foreign Minister Fahmi to examine the situation and remedy the consequences.

With the increasing security threats in Egypt, it makes sense that it would seek to strengthen its security capabilities and deal with economic problems by befriending Moscow and others. At the same time, Egypt needn’t cut off its relationship with Washington; such a turn would not be to Cairo’s benefit, as evidenced by the second half of the 20th century. Fahmi may not have realized this when he clarified that Moscow was not chosen as an alternative to Washington. The big fear is that Egypt would find itself caught in the brouhaha between Russia and America. Such an event would expedite what al-Sisi warned against: the Syria story happening in Egypt.

It would behoove Egypt to do everything possible to restore its relationship with America. This mission is not limited to just the two governments, but should extend to all lines of contact, requiring long-term thought, coordination and work.

“A push toward freedom, democracy and human rights” is not the most important thing Washington can do to mend the strained relationship with Cairo. Washington must send a firm message in response to this popular mantra to defend the supreme American interest of building a strategic relationship with Egypt and their Arab friends — a message that will highlight the necessity and benefits of building stable, reliable and pluralistic administrations in the Middle East. These administrations need both to be able to take down terrorism and to have highly productive and competitive markets. Egypt is the pioneering nation that must take the lead, sending a message on behalf of its Arab friends that allows the American regime to get involved and interact. Washington will always be full of people to define you and paint your picture so long as you fail to define yourself.

Egypt, mother of the world, whose pharaohs took on death with immortality, is herself the leader. The revolution of her great people astounded the world as two governments came in and out of power in three years … Egypt will find its way itself and will not be taken lightly.

One of the points of contention between Egypt and America is intellectual. The real American dogma is democracy, practiced by the ritual of elections; America measures the experiences of other nations through this lens. It’s no surprise that that it doesn’t find such a mantra of democracy in Egypt — and here is the crux of the issue. America does not have to lose Egypt while Egyptians go through such difficult times. The intellectuals of Egypt and America realize the strategic importance of the two countries’ relationship and understand the grave implications of parting ways. Egyptians will not forget that 45 centuries gaze upon its people, and it will continue on in peace; Americans will do well to stop threatening to cut aid to Egypt. As for the Arab world, they will not abandon Egypt, for they realize that Egypt is their backbone. And Russia, who lost Egypt half a century ago, at last knows the meaning of such a loss.

I can almost see a writer or someone else hoping to soon author a book with the sad title: “How Did America Lose Egypt?” There is no book whose publication I’d rather see stopped.