There is almost unanimous agreement among experts on U.S. domestic politics that the quality of American democracy is deteriorating and according to George Tyler, a former adviser to Congress, it now faces the “most polarized American electorate in five generations since the Civil War.”
The polarization is no doubt intensified by the current president and his political line, but its roots go further back in time and actually precede the Trump phenomenon. The president’s populist views resonate with many American voters, especially those hurt by the process of globalization. The meltdown of the American middle class, whose income has been declining for decades, is also behind the divide.
Many of the “forgotten” white Americans from the industrial Midwest, the so-called Rust Belt, responded with enthusiasm to Donald Trump’s promises to restore America’s industrial past, even if that meant economic war with other countries. They applauded his intent to increase their source of income and chase away Latinos and other alien elements who supposedly grind down the job market. Portraying himself as the opponent of the Washington elite, Trump promised to give the country back to the people. This strand of populism attracted enough support to catapult him into the White House.
During Trump’s presidential campaign, many media commentators and intellectuals warned about the threat of his populist views if he entered the White House; the reality has surpassed expectations.
Trump’s unpredictable style, unusual political moves and the swift changes within his administration marked by frequent vacancies has set the stage for a chaotic government and incompetent political decisions. The plan to build a wall along the Mexican border, the attempts to ban Muslims from entering the United States and a series of foreign policy choices have sent shock waves through the establishment of his country.
Additionally, a war against major national media outlets and the president’s “Twitter policy” undermine the White House’s dialogue with civil society and leave the president isolated from major social groups.
If one of the valuable assets of American democracy is the ability to find agreement between the main political parties, the Republicans and the Democrats, on key political matters, in the Trump era the divide in Congress and other institutions has surpassed everything seen before.
To make things worse, the president’s decision to raise taxes on steel and aluminum has left him at odds with Republicans in Congress who are increasingly concerned with the “Trump effect” and its impact on the coming fall elections, which will likely to bring defeat to Republicans in several states.
Another facet separating the president from the country is his disregard for the policies of his predecessor, Barack Obama. The complete break up in the relationship between the former and current presidents is, to say the least, unusual in American politics. The exchange of criticism and offensive remarks between Trump and Obama is yet another element undermining the power of American democracy and hurting its need for succession and continuity in presidential politics.
On the other hand, many experts believe, and for good reason, that the very fact that Trump and his populism came to power is rooted in the decline of democratic values among American citizens in the first place. According to public opinion polls, trust in major democratic institutions has dropped significantly in recent years. It is shocking to learn that less than half of Americans believe it is extremely important to live in a democracy. A third of them support the idea of having a strong leader who does not have to coordinate his decisions with Congress and/or coming elections.
To a great extent, the decline of American democracy is also based on the ever-growing gap between the masses and the super-rich. A large portion of American wealth is concentrated in the hands of the richest 1 percent, whose capacity to corrupt the political process increases every day. According to George Tyler in a Newsweek article, the Koch brothers, who are among the richest Americans, have spent 9-digit sums supporting the Republican party and especially its most conservative wing, the tea party. The ultra-rich Mercer family and the media companies of Rupert Murdoch and Sinclair Broadcast Group are flooding millions into Republican campaigns. Tons of money have been spent on the part of Democrats as well. According to official statistics, the total spent on the last presidential election for both campaigns equals $2.4 billion. “This stands in sharp contrast with other democracies, where governments often place strict limits on how much spending campaigns can do,” says Christopher Ingraham, a commentator for The Washington Post. “Pay-to-play is the pathology at the center of America’s low-quality democracy,” adds Tyler, rightly.
Republicans have lost many of the local elections in recent months, which shows that little by little Trump is losing the voters who elected him in 2016. The president’s approval rating is going down, pointing to the same conclusion. According to polls, Trump’s political influence is the lowest ever for any White House resident, from George Washington to the present day.
On the other hand, the power of populism is far from exhausted and Trump continues to bet on it. To win the midterm elections for the Senate and the House of Representatives this coming fall, Democrats need to make a serious mobilization effort and devise new alternative policies to have a chance of winning back the trust of so many Americans disappointed with the Washington elite.
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