Trump is reducing risks by suspending tariffs on the EU and others and focusing on China, but a trade war is something that has no winners.
In the 1933 Marx brothers film "Duck Soup," we repeatedly heard "Of course, you know, this means war." Groucho repeats it in the 1935 film, "A Night At The Opera." Bugs Bunny repeats it in the 1938 film, "Porky's Hare Hunt." We have therefore entered the stage of entertainment in the commercial relations between the U.S. and the rest of the world. Hopefully this will be more of a cartoon than a drama.
All of this relates to the U.S. president's decision to raise tariffs on imports from several countries, including China and the European Union, in order to supposedly defend jobs and punish unfair trade practices. China in particular is accused of stealing intellectual property for decades. So, after the announcement last Thursday of 25 percent tariffs on steel and 10 percent tariffs on Chinese aluminum, the president tweeted the next day that "trade wars are good, and easy to win," and finalized a list of targeted products, representing $60 billion of imports from China.
There are now 30 days for conversations, a deadline to find a solution. The Chinese, on their side, have threatened to retaliate, for now against $3 billion to $6 billion of U.S. imports. The big question is what losses this will bring to the global economy. Immediately, Liu He and Steven Mnuchin lost a weekend trying to avoid a trade war and the Chinese seem available to negotiate.
A trade war is something that has no winners. A very well-known example is the Smoot-Hawley Act of 1930, when the U.S. created the biggest increase in tariffs since 1828. The scale of this conflict raised U.S. tariffs from 13.5 percent to 20 percent, a 50 percent increase in the rate, reaching a total tariff of 60 percent on 3,200 items. The drop in international trade was one-third.
In the U.S. things did not improve: The unemployment rate went from 8 percent to 16 percent in 1931 and 25 percent in 1932-1933. When George W. Bush raised tariffs on steel in 2002, the United States lost 200,000 jobs, 13,000 of them in the steel industry. The Peterson Institute for International Economics estimates that each job in the steel industry “saved” by Bush cost $400,000, not to mention that the WTO concluded that those tariffs were illegal.
Trump is reducing risks by suspending tariffs on the European Union and others and focusing on China. If he achieves substantial gains, he will create leverage to impose conditions on other partners; if he loses, we will have a conflict for a few years. Let us, therefore, follow with natural expectation the “chicken” game we’re seeing and hope that reason wins out in the end. Because, as George Santayana wrote, "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it."
Trump está a reduzir os riscos ao suspender as tarifas sobre a UE e outros, e a concentrar-se na China, mas uma guerra comercial é coisa que não tem vencedores.
No filme dos irmãos Marx “Duck Soup”, de 1933, ouvimos repetidamente “of course, you know, this means war”. Groucho repete-o no “A Night At The Opera”, de 1935. Bugs Bunny volta a dizê-lo no “Porky’s Hare Hunt” de 1938. Entrámos portanto na fase do entretenimento nas relações comerciais entre os EUA e a maior parte do mundo, esperemos que na do cartoon e não na do drama.
Vem isto a propósito da decisão do presidente americano de aumentar as tarifas sobre as importações de vários países, China e União Europeia incluídos, para pretensamente defender empregos e punir práticas comerciais desleais. À China, em particular, acusa de décadas de roubo de propriedade intelectual. Assim, depois de na semana passada ter anunciado quinta-feira tarifas de 25% sobre o aço e 10% sobre o alumínio chineses, tweetou no dia seguinte o presidente “trade wars are good, and easy to win” e ultima uma lista de produtos-alvo, que representam 60 mil milhões de dólares de importações da China.
Há agora 30 dias para consultas, prazo para se encontrar uma solução. Os chineses, do seu lado, ameaçaram retaliar, para já sobre 3 a 6 mil milhões de importações dos EUA. A grande questão é que perdas vai isto trazer para a economia mundial. No imediato, Liu He e Mnuchin perderam um fim de semana a tentar evitar a guerra comercial e os chineses parecem disponíveis para negociar.
Uma guerra comercial é coisa que não tem vencedores. Um exemplo muito citado é o Smoot-Hawley Act de 1930, quando os EUA fizeram o maior aumento de tarifas desde 1828. O escalar deste conflito elevou as tarifas nos EUA de 13,5% para 20% – um aumento de taxa de metade, atingindo 60% em 3.200 itens. A queda das trocas internacionais foi de um terço.
Nos EUA as coisas não melhoraram: a taxa de desemprego passou de 8% para 16% em 1931 e 25% em 1932-33. Quando George W. Bush aumentou as tarifas sobre o aço em 2002, os EUA perderam 200 mil empregos, 13 mil na siderurgia – o Peterson Institute for International Economics estima que cada emprego no aço “salvo” por Bush custou 400 mil dólares, sem contar com a OMC ter concluído que estas tarifas eram ilegais.
Trump está a reduzir os riscos ao suspender as tarifas sobre a União Europeia e outros, e a concentrar-se na China. Se conseguir ganhos substanciais, criou leverage para impor condições aos outros parceiros; se perder, vamos ter um conflito para alguns anos. Vamos, portanto, seguir com natural expectativa o jogo de ‘chicken’ a que assistimos e esperar que a razão ganhe no final. É que, como escreveu Santayana, “those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it”.
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It is doubtful that the Trump administration faces a greater danger than that of dealing with the Jeffrey Epstein files, because this is a danger that grew from within.
It is doubtful that the Trump administration faces a greater danger than that of dealing with the Jeffrey Epstein files, because this is a danger that grew from within.
It is doubtful that the Trump administration faces a greater danger than that of dealing with the Jeffrey Epstein files, because this is a danger that grew from within.