Will Sino-U.S. Relations Open Low But Come End High?

Published in Caijing
(China) on 12 March 2009
by OuYang Bin (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Amy Przybyla. Edited by Louis Standish.
Sun Zhe: China and U.S. should start the fourth Sino-US Joint Communiqués,
China should strengthen the work towards U.S congress.

[Background] Recently, Sino-U.S. relations have floated across several dark clouds

According to the Web site “XinHua,” the American House of Representatives passed an item on March 11th regarding the Tibet resolution issue, ignoring opposition from China. “XinHua” said that the above mentioned resolution “made irresponsible comments in regards to the Chinese government’s policy towards Tibetan issues”, to support of the Dalai group to split the Chinese homeland.

On March 10th, the U.S. White House and the State Department spokesmen issued separate statements regarding America’s heightened attention towards Tibetan human rights, criticizing the Chinese government’s Tibetan policy, requesting China and the Dalai Lama to carry on having “substantive” dialogue and so forth.

On the 10th, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Ma ZhaoXu requested that the respective congressmen abide by fundamental forms of international relationship, and stop promoting Tibetan-related resolutions. He said, “Tibetan (political and economic) affairs are Chinese internal affairs pure and simple. The Chinese government and people share a constant strong determination to oppose any country and any persons exploiting the Tibetan issue interferes with Chinese internal affairs. The U.S ignored the facts regarding the Tibetan issue criticizing for no reason. This is a gross interference of Chinese internal affairs and hurts the Chinese people’s feelings. Our response to this is strong dissatisfaction and a determination to oppose, ready to face America and sternly discuss these matters.”

On March 11th, Foreign Ministry spokesman Ma ZhaoXu answered questions from reporters regarding the matter of the U.S Navy surveillance vessel in Chinese exclusive economic zones. He said that the U.S. Naval surveillance vessel the “USS Impeccable” violates international law and China’s stipulated laws and regulations. “Without permission to engage in activities in the exclusive economic zone in the South China Sea, China thus raised this issue towards the U.S. We demand America to take effective action to avoid repeating this incident.”

On February 26th, Ma Zhaoxu also issued a statement in regards to the U.S. State Department’s report on human rights. "We urge the U.S. side to reflect on its own human rights problems, stop acting as a “human rights guardian” and stop interfering in others internal affairs by releasing human rights reports."

Tsinghua University Sino-U.S. Relations Research Center Director Sun Zhe believes
that it is unlikely that the Obama administration will follow the trend of the last several U.S. administrations, the “open low come up high” policy towards China. The two have already had established diplomatic relations for 30 years; both sides have formed a relatively mature partnership. From a historic standpoint, a flood control dam has already been established. He suggested that there should be a strengthening of the system of Sino-U.S. relations, where the government should be devoted to launch the fourth joint communiqué and strengthen the work of the American Congress.

He said that in order to sign such a document by China’s internal democracy, legislative work must make more progress. Also “the success of China's own reform will convince the U.S. government and the people.”

In his opinion, the U.S. attitude of mistrust will still exist during Obama’s time, but China must be especially aware of the negative influence of the House of Representatives. But the positive Sino-U.S. relations that have already formed will not change.

During Obama's term, will a potential threat in Sino-U.S. relations still exist? Sun Zhe believes that America's two political parties have gradually formed a hedge cross party consensus of China. With some Americans, there still exists a mistrustful attitude regarding China, maintaining a psychological guard. Therefore, America perhaps believes that China's military modernization, human rights and environmental protection presents a challenge. In addition, because the U.S. carries out a pragmatic policy, makes every effort to maximize self-benefit. Therefore, the two sides will continue to have contradictions on the trade issue. Chinese aid in Africa as well as African relationship development could also encounter some questions from American.

Sun Zhe calls attention to, besides the government departments, the American House of Representatives will act as a troublemaker to challenge Obama’s future economic and trade policies towards China. All kind of trade protectionism, finance nationalism and investment protectionism will affect the White House’s economic policies towards China. He indicated that China should strengthen the efforts of the work of the United States Congress. Although in recent years China has already made attempts, such as the CNOOC (China National offshore oil corporation), who also already invited the U.S. Legal Affairs Bureau for support, but the talents and funds for the operation still need to be improved overall.

But Sun Zhe believes that after the 9/11 incident, the U.S. recognized
that China is not U.S.'s primary opponent. Sino-U.S. relations emerged to
change for the better, at present this kind of pattern has not changed.
Therefore, U.S. strategy must maintain good relations with China. In addition to the rapid development of China in these recent years, has resulted in it having
a more and more important role on the world stage. This will also cause
the U.S. to handle China relations more carefully.

Sun Zhe indicated a change may be seen in the U.S. regarding China's
strategic position of development. What Americans discussed in the 1990s
was China's collapse; afterward, they discussed China as a threat and presently
discuss China's responsibility regarding trade relations. Sun Zhe believes that this is one of the most important trade relations in the present world, but the institutionalization is still low. He uses U.S. – Canadian trade relations as the example, where they had already formed a very mature institutional arrangement. Even if a problem were to emerge, they would act in accordance with the system's negotiated resolution. But China and U.S. trade relation's process, still has some touchy spots. For instance, intellectual property
rights issues, investment limits and so on.

Previously, during Hillary's visit to China, China and U.S.'s Strategic Economy Dialogue (SED) reached some initial agreements, ensuring that this Sino-U.S. high-level exchange mechanism will continue. Sun Zhe thinks that this mechanism is the important balancing implement between the two countries, is an important consultation platform that China and the U.S. can hold after the emergence of divergences between two countries. Hillary believed that China-U.S. communication during the Bush administration paid exclusive attention to economic dialogue and hopes that in the future this can be expanded to a wider range of areas. Therefore, besides intellectual property rights, trade, exchange rate, there will be an increase in subjects such as investment protection, environmental protection, climatic change, but Sun Zhe also indicated that the SED will not involve an excess of non-economical topics. He calls attention to how it will the present mechanism carry on in the future, who is responsible for leadership had not yet been confirmed.

He suggested in his research report from a long-term plan that the governments
of China and the U.S. should prepare to start the 4th joint communiqué negotiations. Sun Zhe explained that by the original three Sino-U.S. joint communiqués signed earlier, the Sino-U.S. relations use of law will be very important to the stable development of Sino-U.S. relations.

But Sun Zhe also stressed that this is a long-term plan and can not be achieved quickly. because China's developmental change has been very rapid. Only after China’s own political institution was constructed, only then will both sides have a stronger mutual desire and trust. In addition, to a certain degree, the trust and desire also depend on the China’s diplomatic work towards U.S legislature. However, China and the U.S. can first consider striving to sign a similar “Sino-Japanese Peace Friendship treaty” by ten years from now, a kind of “quasi-legal” document.

Sun Zhe predicted in his research report to take part in government one’s experience must be rich and political qualifications deep for service, as is Biden, who will become the Obama administration’s ( at least at its initial period) main person in the foreign policy-making team, Obama will get help from Biden's strength, to balance the possible “arbitrary acts” of Hillary at Foreign affairs. Therefore, the Obama administration will possibly have the Vice President and State department foreign affairs as two strategic decision centers.

Sun Zhe said “At present, the U.S. still does not have a definite person to lead the future of Chinese diplomacy. However, Biden and Hillary both take practical diplomatic routes, regardless of who leads, the Sino-US relations is unlikely to have huge differences. Biden as Vice President, in the event that he were to lead Chinese foreign affairs, the work of coordinating the Ministry of Finance, Department of Commercial Affairs and other departments, would be even more effective.

Reporter: Ouyang Bin

Reporter: Ouyang Bin


中美关系还会“低开高走”吗?
[2009年03月12日 20:41]   共有 5 条点评

孙哲:中美应启动第四个政府外交文件,中国应加强对美国会的工作

  【背景】近来,中美关系飘过几朵阴云。
  3月11日,据新华网报道,美国众议院不顾中方反对,于11日通过一项涉藏问题决议。新华网称,该决议“对中国政府的涉藏政策说三道四,为达赖集团分裂祖国的行径撑腰打气”。
  3月10日,美白宫和国务院发言人分别就涉藏问题发表讲话和声明,称美方高度关注藏区人权,指责中国政府的西藏政策,要求中方与达赖进行“实质性”对话等。
  中国外交部发言人马朝旭10日要求美国会有关议员恪守国际关系基本准则,停止推动有关涉藏决议案。他说,“西藏事务纯属中国内政,中国政府和人民一贯坚决反对任何国家、任何人利用涉藏问题干涉中国内政。美方罔顾事实,在涉藏问题上对中方进行无端指责,粗暴干涉中国内政,伤害中国人民感情,我们对此表示强烈不满和坚决反对,并已向美方提出严正交涉。”
  3月11日,外交部发言人马朝旭就美海军监测船在中国专属经济区活动事答记者问。他说,美海军监测船“无瑕号”违背有关国际法和中国法律法规的规定,未经中方许可在南海中国专属经济区活动,中方已就此向美方提出严正交涉。我们要求美方采取有效措施避免再次发生类似事件。
  2月26日,马朝旭还就美国务院发表国别人权报告一事表示,“我们奉劝美方多反省自己的人权问题,不要再以‘人权卫士’自居,停止借发表国别人权报告干涉别国内政。”

  清华大学中美关系研究中心主任孙哲认为,奥巴马政府不会沿袭前几届美国政府对华关系“低开高走”的趋势。中美建交已经30年,双方已经形成了相对成熟的伙伴关系。从历史角度看,“防洪堤坝”已经建立起来。他建议,应加强中美关系的制度建设,致力于启动第四个政府外交文件,并加强对美国会的工作。
  他说,要签署这样的文件,中国内部在民主、法制建设等方面必须取得更大的进步,而“中国自身改革的成功将会更好地说服美国政府和民众”。
  在他看来,在奥巴马时代,美国仍然会对中国存在不信任心态,特别要警惕其国会众议院的负面作用。但是,中美关系已经形成的良好局面不会改变。
  奥巴马时代中美关系是否存在潜在威胁?孙哲认为,美国两党已经逐渐形成了对中国“两面下注”的跨党共识。一些美国人对于中国仍然存在不信任心态,有防范心理。所以,美国可能会在中国的军事现代化、人权及环保等问题上提出挑战。此外,由于美国奉行实用主义政策,力求自我利益最大化,所以,双方在贸易问题上的矛盾也仍将存在。中国对非洲的援助以及中非关系的发展,也有可能遭到一些美国人的质疑。
  孙哲特意提醒,除政府部门,美国众议院将成为冲击奥巴马对华经贸政策走向的麻烦制造者,各种贸易保护主义、金融民族主义和投资保护主义将会影响白宫的对华经济决策。他表示,中国应该加强对美国国会的工作力度。尽管近年来中国已经开始了这方面的尝试,比如,中海油也曾经聘请美国的律师事务所进行游说,但是,总体来看,人才和资金的投入都还有待提高。
  但是,孙哲认为,在“9·11”事件之后,美国认识到中国不是美国的主要对手,中美关系出现较大好转,目前这种格局并没有改变。所以,美国在战略上仍然要与中国保持良好关系。加之中国这几年来的迅速发展,已经使自己在世界舞台扮演的角色越来越重要,这也会使美国谨慎处理对华关系。
  孙哲指出,一个变化可以看出美国对华战略定位的演变:“20世纪90年代美国人谈论的是中国的崩溃,后来谈的是中国的威胁,现在谈的是中国的责任。”
  对于中美经贸关系,孙哲认为,这是目前世界上最为重要的经贸关系之一,但制度化水平仍然较低。他以美国与加拿大的经贸关系为例,它们之间已经形成了非常成熟的制度化安排,即便出现问题,也可以根据制度协商解决。但是,中美经贸关系的处理,目前仍有一些粗糙的地方,比如知识产权问题和投资限额的设定等。
  此前,希拉里访华期间,中美就两国“战略经济对话”(SED)达成了原则协议,这一中美间高层的交流机制仍将延续。孙哲认为,这一机制是中美交往的重要平衡器,是中美出现分歧后两国举行协商的重要平台。希拉里认为,中美交流在布什时代过于关注经济话题,希望未来能够扩展到更为广泛的领域。因此,SED在过去传统的知识产权、贸易、汇率等话题之外,将会增加投资保护、环保、气候变化等议题。不过,孙哲表示,SED并不会涉及过多的非经济话题。而且,他提醒,“目前这一机制在未来如何进行,由哪一个层级来牵头负责尚未确认。”
  他在研究报告中建议,从长期规划着眼,中美两国政府应准备启动关于第四个政府外交文件的谈判。孙哲解释说,原有的中美政府之间的三个联合公报签署时间较早,“把中美关系用法律的方式固定下来,对中美关系的稳定发展将会非常重要。”
  但是,孙哲也强调,这是一个长期的规划,不是短期内就可以实现的。因为,中国的发展变化非常快,只有在中国自身的制度建设完善之后,双方才会有更强的愿望和信任感。此外,这也在一定程度上有赖于中国对美国立法机构的外交工作成果。不过,中美之间可以先考虑争取十年后签署一个类似《中日和平友好条约》这样的“准法律”文件。
  孙哲在研究报告中预测,从政经验丰富和政治资历深厚的拜登,会成为奥巴马政府(至少是初期)对外决策团队中举足轻重的人物,并且在特定的时候,奥巴马会借助拜登的力量,来平衡强势的希拉里在外交事务上可能出现的“独断专行”。因此,“奥巴马政府内部可能会出现副总统和国务院两个外交决策中心。”
  孙哲说,现在美国方面还没有最终确定将由谁来主导未来的对华外交。不过,拜登和希拉里两人采取的都是务实外交路线,无论谁主导,中美关系都不会发生太大的不同。拜登作为副总统,如果由他来主导对华外交,在协调美国财政部、商务部等部门的工作上,会更加有效。■

《财经》实习记者 欧阳斌 采写
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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