UNASUR Unanimously Approves U.S. Bases in South America
Global corporations led by Washington took a step towards world domination.
The text about U.S. defense, “The White Book of Aerial Mobility Command and the Global Strategy of Support Bases in the United States (AMC),” demonstrates the military character of the U.S. agreement with Uribe for seven bases. U.S. southern command needed a spot in South America for its troop mobility operations and ammunition and chose Palanquero, near Brazil, from where the entire content, except Cape Horn, can be covered in hours. This base forms part of the mobility system that also permits Africa to intervene militarily.
In Bariloche, UNASUR leaders discussed this topic once, agreeing that the Pentagon has the right to install military bases in all UNASUR countries if they so desire and an agreement was made, on the condition that it does not threaten the local inhabitants or the region.
Conditions stipulated in the White Book show a long history of imperial interventions in South America. Correa warned that it was impossible for Ecuador to control what the United States did in the base at Manta in their reactivation of the Fourth Fleet.
The U.S. has seven more bases around the world.
The resolution was expected by some leaders. The fascist bourgeoisie of the southern cone, through its power over its presidents, continues to bind its destiny to U.S. armed forces.
Coups d’etat are part of the methodology, and are alive currently in Honduras, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Paraguay and Nicaragua.
Even though there were unexpected events, Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia have been completely opposed to foreign bases. Evo Morales proposed: “If nobody wants a military base why can’t we sign a document here that [indicates that] the presidents of South America do not accept any foreign military bases,” but they finally submitted to the negotiated majority through the regional capital in Brazil.
In addition, Ecuador and Venezuela signed a commitment to fight and collaborate against “the presence or action of armed groups at the margin of the law,” which can be interpreted as support for the destruction of the Colombian popular guerilla forces.
On the contrary, Hugo Chavez’s idea to make a collective effort to find peace between the guerillas and the government of Bogota was not welcomed.
In fact, the project was facilitated by transnational corporations to create a global government and army. The approaching dramatic crises, including energy, climate, natural resources and finances are making them prepare for a post-capitalism world to control water, land, minerals, cities and plants. The Amazon, Venezuela and Africa are a very important part of these objectives.
There has not been a reaction from the people against foreign bases. The societies are immersed in soccer, television, unemployment, income, purchases, insecurity and misinformation.
It is definitely a time of the political majority of capitalist taxpayers in South America.
The text about U.S. defense, “The White Book of Aerial Mobility Command and the Global Strategy of Support Bases in the United States (AMC),” demonstrates the military character of the U.S. agreement with Uribe for seven bases. U.S. southern command needed a spot in South America for its troop mobility operations and ammunition and chose Palanquero, near Brazil, from where the entire content, except Cape Horn, can be covered in hours. This base forms part of the mobility system that also permits Africa to intervene militarily.
In Bariloche, UNASUR leaders discussed this topic once, agreeing that the Pentagon has the right to install military bases in all UNASUR countries if they so desire and an agreement was made, on the condition that it does not threaten the local inhabitants or the region.
Conditions stipulated in the White Book show a long history of imperial interventions in South America. Correa warned that it was impossible for Ecuador to control what the United States did in the base at Manta in their reactivation of the Fourth Fleet.
The U.S. has seven more bases around the world.
The resolution was expected by some leaders. The fascist bourgeoisie of the southern cone, through its power over its presidents, continues to bind its destiny to U.S. armed forces.
Coups d’etat are part of the methodology, and are alive currently in Honduras, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Paraguay and Nicaragua.
Even though there were unexpected events, Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia have been completely opposed to foreign bases. Evo Morales proposed: “If nobody wants a military base why can’t we sign a document here that [indicates that] the presidents of South America do not accept any foreign military bases,” but they finally submitted to the negotiated majority through the regional capital in Brazil.
In addition, Ecuador and Venezuela signed a commitment to fight and collaborate against “the presence or action of armed groups at the margin of the law,” which can be interpreted as support for the destruction of the Colombian popular guerilla forces.
On the contrary, Hugo Chavez’s idea to make a collective effort to find peace between the guerillas and the government of Bogota was not welcomed.
In fact, the project was facilitated by transnational corporations to create a global government and army. The approaching dramatic crises, including energy, climate, natural resources and finances are making them prepare for a post-capitalism world to control water, land, minerals, cities and plants. The Amazon, Venezuela and Africa are a very important part of these objectives.
There has not been a reaction from the people against foreign bases. The societies are immersed in soccer, television, unemployment, income, purchases, insecurity and misinformation.
It is definitely a time of the political majority of capitalist taxpayers in South America.