Rear Adm. Speaks to U.S. Officials: U.S. is Greatest Threat to China

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 23 April 2010
by Wang Wen and Huang Fei (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Brian Tawney. Edited by Harley Jackson.
This week, 17 senior American officials from government offices like the Department of Defense, NASA, and the Department of Commerce, took part in a high-level training course organized by Tsing Hua University for the Chinese and U.S. governments. On the morning of April 22, a Huanqiu reporter attended a lecture on the theme of Chinese military affairs, where the primary lecturer, Rear Admiral Yang Yi of the National Defense University, held a candid exchange with American officials regarding such sensitive questions as Taiwan, military friction between China and the U.S. and hacker attacks.

American Official*: America hopes for a peaceful resolution to the Taiwan question. We cannot control Taiwan's leaders, so there is some uncertainty on the topic of Taiwan; but from a general background perspective Taiwan is not the most difficult issue between America and China. How do you see it?

A second question is the South China Sea Exclusive Economic Zone, where there are some practices that violate the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and are contrary to global economic trends. Every nation has a right to navigate the sea. What is your feeling on that?

Yang Yi**: First, I will say something on the Taiwan question. The importance of the Taiwan issue to Chinese and American relations has decreased somewhat. China has passed the Anti-Secession Law, which essentially put an end to the notion of de jure Taiwanese independence. After 2006, cross-strait relations entered a phase of energetic and interactive peaceful development. At present, the relationship between Taiwan and mainland China is growing increasingly close. In particular, economic and trade connections have become inseparably close. Our military strength will only be deployed as a last resort against escapades carried out by Taiwanese independence forces.

If the present enthusiastic position can continue to develop for five to ten more years, cross-strait relations could become even more stable and secure. Right now, the strength of the mainland Chinese economy is increasing day by day, and we are in the process of improving our own legal system, democracy, and other such social frameworks, creating the prerequisites for cross-strait reunification. This kind of change is gradual and requires time in order to benefit all parties.

My suggestion is that, in terms of cross-strait affairs, there is no need for the U.S. to do anything. They should take care of their own matters — for example, America's affairs in Iraq and Afghanistan — and they shouldn't waste their resources on the Taiwan issue. In America, there are some people who remark that China has previously tolerated U.S. sales of arms to Taiwan and ask why China is reacting so intensely this time. The reason for the Chinese reaction is that the Sino-U.S. relationship has grown beyond the bilateral domains and categories that were traditionally important and has become the kind of global partnership that responds to every kind of challenge. If one side lacks sincerity, then how will the other side retort?

American Official*: I don't want to talk about the Taiwan question too much. I agree with your point of view, but as you know, America is a country with legal institutions, and we have the Taiwan Relations Act, so we must push for a peaceful resolution to the Taiwan question. I am more interested in the question of the South China Sea Exclusive Economic Zone.*

Yang Yi**: I agree very much, but first let me finish speaking on the Taiwan question. The Taiwan issue requires a political resolution. Considering this simply from the aspect of military hardware, the U.S. sale of arms to Taiwan cannot obstruct the great cause of the unification of our homeland. If you look at it from a certain perspective, these weapons are all ours, because sooner or later Taiwan must return to China. Now, let's set the Taiwan question aside. I understand very well your concern regarding the South China Sea issue. China is a country that promotes the freedom of maritime navigation, and we will depend even more on freedom of navigation for our future national development, foreign trade, and energy supplies.

American Official*: According to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, military operations in exclusive economic zones do not require approval, but you persist in opposing the activities of American warships.

Yang Yi**: First, your warships make use of high-powered sonar to carry out their operations, and this causes severe harm to our fishing industry. Second, warships may only pass through an Exclusive Economic Zone if they cause no harm, but we cannot believe navigation activities involving military reconnaissance constitute harmless passage. Just imagine if China were to send submarines into an American Exclusive Economic Zone. America's reaction would be even more intense, and it would be all over the major news media.

American Official*: Please talk about the Chinese hacker attacks.

Yang Yi**: The Chinese government's policy is to oppose any kind of internet attack. The Chinese government has already made a great effort, but it is difficult to control areas where some hackers live. China's banking and military networks have also sometimes suffered hacker attacks.

American Official*: What does the People's Liberation Army believe to be the greatest threat to China's security?

Yang Yi**: It is America. This is a joke, but also not a joke. The U.S. is the only country that has the overall capability to threaten China's national security and interests. Japan doesn't have this kind of capability. Russia has the means, but not the motive. India is even more worried about China. Regardless of whether it is on a regional level or a global one, only America has this ability.

We hope to develop and preserve stable and healthy relations with the U.S., but we must make sufficient preparations in case we need to confront potential threats and pressure. Today, looking at it from the perspective of national activities, the hidden nuclear threat to China also comes principally from America, and not from any other country. Fortunately, however, since tensions have eased on the Taiwan question, the danger of a confrontation between China and the U.S. has likewise decreased.

American Official*: The Korean War was the result of mistakes in strategy and calculation on the part of the U.S., and a great many Americans, Chinese, and Koreans died. How will you, acting as an intellectual resource, assist your government in avoiding miscalculations and errors in its strategic decisions?

Yang Yi**: During the period of the War of Resistance against Japan, the U.S. often had an image of sincerity within China. During the Korean War, the Chinese government sent a clear message that, if the U.S. Army were to cross the 38th parallel, we would respond. But America didn't take us seriously, and the result was a historic tragedy. Therefore, the Chinese and American governments should have more candid dialog and establish hotlines between every department to strengthen the exchange.

When I visited America in 2007, I had very candid discussions with officials from the U.S. Department of State and the Department of Defense. I asked American officials how much confidence they had in the prospect of controlling the escapades of Chen Shui-bian's Taiwan independence movement. At first, they began with some diplomatically appropriate language, but I expressed that I wanted them to speak candidly, and as a result they told me they had a great deal of confidence in it.

The officials claimed that if Taiwan were to pass a public referendum, then the U.S. would take steps toward enforcing the referendum against the independent army. There should be more of this kind of candid dialog, in particular between low and mid-level officials, students and scholars. More of this kind of dialog might help governments avoid issuing erroneous and ridiculous resolutions.

American Official*: On the Chinese side, the Taiwan issue is an emotional question, and we need to understand how deep your feelings are toward Taiwan. However, you must also understand that, for the U.S., Taiwan is a rational question. We need to use the Taiwan issue in order to guarantee that our interests have a reliable foundation. There are no U.S. emotions tangled up with the issue.

Yang Yi**: Taiwan is not simply an emotional issue for China. It also involves China's core interests. Therefore, the U.S. should not put too much effort into the problem. It should just let Taiwan go. China's defense policy is one of energetic defense, though it remains an unvarying principle that we will not fire the first gun, and we will not launch the first attack.

American Official*: Please discuss the question of establishing mutual trust.

Yang Yi**: Establishing mutual trust is very important, but there are differences in thinking between China and the U.S. The U.S. is concerned with the development of China's military equipment, but China operates on the principle of transparent strategic intent, and we will not attack first.

At present, much of China's military information can be examined on the internet, and many things are no longer secret. This kind of transparency has an important significance in terms of establishing mutual trust. Personal relationships between leaders are also of important significance for mutual trust. We need more communication; we need equal and candid communication.

Right now, both China and America have tended to learn from each other. China has become more and more open and transparent while the U.S. has steadily closed up. Since 9-11, American security measures have become progressively stricter.

In China, the internet is also gradually opening up. Government leaders engage in dialog with the People through the internet. It has become easier to understand public opinion, and in addition, the internet has demonstrated a vigorous applicability to problems such as the fight against corruption.

American Official*: I would like to understand the countermeasures that the Chinese government and the People's Liberation Army use against terrorism involving weapons of mass destruction.

Yang Yi**: In the past we have believed that this kind of threat is very distant from us, but now we feel it has grown closer, little by little. The kind of terrorist incidents that occur in America and Russia today could emerge in China tomorrow. We are in the process of changing our thinking and the relevant mechanisms to respond to these kinds of threats and challenges.

American Official*: Do you see it as important to share information with other countries in order to combat terrorism?

Yang Yi**: We see it as very important. We see it as important to share information with the U.S., Russia and other countries in order to achieve early prevention, detection and response.

American Official*: I have two questions. First, how do you reconcile China's huge military expenditures with China's defense policy? Second, how do you resolve the contradiction between China's huge military expenditures and solving China's domestic issues, such as population, pollution and poverty?

Yang Yi**: I will answer your second question first. China has many social issues to resolve, and they all require money. Here, there is a balance with the question of coordinating development. Our government has proposed a “Rich Nation, Strong Army” policy, which is intended precisely to address the equal development of the economy and national defense.

At the same time, China is a world power, and it is the hope of the People that its development should include military equipment such as aircraft carriers. It is also a requirement in order to balance the architecture of the armed forces. This has also received support in Chinese public opinion. Therefore, there must be a balance between all investments.

The second issue is that China is developing a few military items in order to provide a better product to the world. For example, we send warships to Somalia in order to assist in defending the safety of that maritime area. Now, China's development of an aircraft carrier is still only an optimistic hope, and it will require at least 5-10 years of time. Even if China produces one aircraft carrier, America still needs not worry, because the U.S. already has twelve of them. Furthermore, China cannot field formations of aircraft carriers on the same grand scale as the U.S. The deployment and defense of aircraft carriers also requires a huge expense that would be difficult for China to undertake.

I am very happy to be here this morning, and to hold an exchange with everyone. I hope everyone will take a good look around Beijing while they are here. But don't simply look at those sky scrapers and think that Beijing is as developed as New York. China is still a developing country—a peaceful, developing country.

*Editor’s Note: None of the quotes of “American Official” could be verified, nor could the identity of any officials be confirmed.

**Editor’s Note: None of the quotes of Yang Yi could be verified, either.


我少将激辩美国高官团 直言美国是中国最大威胁

  本周,17名来自美国国防部、航空航天局、商务部等部门的高级官员作为首批学生,参加由清华大学主办的中美政府间高级培训班。22日上午,《环球时报》记者参加了主题为“中国军事”的讲座,主讲人、国防大学少将杨毅就台湾问题、中美军事摩擦以及黑客攻击等敏感问题,与美国官员进行了坦诚的交流和沟通。

  美国官员:美国希望台湾问题的和平解决。我们不能控制台湾的领导层,所以台湾问题有不确定性。但从大的背景来看,台湾问题不是中美之间最困难的问题,您怎么看?二是中国南海划定专属经济区,有些做法有违《联合国海洋法公约》,与全球经济的趋势相反,我们每个国家都有权利在海洋上航行,您觉得呢?


  杨毅:我先说说台湾问题。台湾问题的重要性在中美关系中有所下降。中国通过了反分裂国家法,等于宣告了“法理台独”的死刑,2006年后,两岸关系进入了积极互动的和平发展阶段。现在,台湾与中国大陆的关系越来越近, 尤其是经济贸易的联系很紧密。我们的军事力量只是在“台独”势力进行冒险时所使用的最后手段。如果现在这种积极态势能继续发展5到10年,两岸关系会变得更加稳定与安全。 现在,中国大陆经济实力日益增强,并正在改善自己的法制、民主等社会建设,为两岸的统一创造条件。这种变化是渐变的,需要时间,这对每一方都有利。


  我的建议是,在两岸事务上,美国无需做任何事情,只需管好自己的事情就行了,比如,美国在伊拉克和阿富汗的事情,不要在台湾问题上浪费你们的资源。美国有人说,中国曾经容忍美国的对台军售,但是为什么这一次中国的反应这么强烈呢?这是因为现在的中美关系已经超越了传统意义上的地区和双边的范畴,成为一种应付各种挑战的全球伙伴关系。如果一方没有诚意,那么,另一方的反应会是怎样呢?


  美国官员:我不想对台湾问题谈的过多。我同意你的观点,但是你知道,美国是一个法制国家,我们有“与台湾关系法”。我们将促使台湾问题的和平解决。我对南海的专属经济区问题更感兴趣。


  杨毅:我很同意,先让我把台湾问题讲完,台湾问题需要政治解决。单纯从武器装备方面来讲,美国对台湾出售军售并不能阻碍我们祖国统一大业的最后进程,从某种意义上来讲,这些武器早晚都是我们的,因为迟早台湾要回归中国。我们先把台湾问题放在一边。我对您对南海问题的关心很理解。中国是提倡海上航行自由的国家,在未来国家的发展和对外贸易以及能源供应都对航行自由会更加依赖。


  美国官员:根据《联合国海洋法公约》,专属经济区的军事用途不需要批准,但是你们坚持反对美国军舰的作业。


  杨毅:第一,你们的军舰在那里利用强大的声纳进行作业,严重地损害了我们渔民的渔业。第二,军舰在专属经济区只能无害通过,但是军事侦察的行动用途的航行不能认为是无害通过。试想,中国如果派潜艇到美国的专属经济区,美国的反应会强烈的多,主要新闻媒体也都会报道。


  美国官员:请谈谈中国黑客的攻击。


  杨毅:中国政府的政策是反对任何形式的网络攻击。中国政府已经做了很大的努力,但是有的黑客是难控制住的。中国的银行系统和军事系统网络有时也会受到黑客的袭击。


  美国官员:解放军认为什么是中国最大的安全威胁?


  杨毅:是美国。这是一个玩笑,也不是一个玩笑。美国是唯一有能力全面威胁中国国家安全利益的国家。日本没有这样的能力,俄罗斯有能力,但是没有动机,印度对中国更多地是忧虑。无论在区域还是全球范围内,只有美国有能力,我们希望与美国发展并保持稳定、健康的关系,但是面对可能地威胁和压力,必须要做好准备。今天,从国家行为体来讲,对中国潜在的核威胁也主要来自美国而不是其他国家。不过幸运的是,因为台湾问题的缓和,中美的对抗的危险也在变小。


  美国官员:朝鲜战争是美国错误决策和计算的后果,死了很多美国人、中国人和朝鲜人。作为智库,你们将怎么帮助政府避免误算和错误决策?


  杨毅:在抗日战争时期,美国在中国的形象很多时候都是正面的。朝鲜战争那时,中国政府发出了明确的信号,如果美军跨国三八线,我们要反应,但是美国却没有认真对待,结果发生了历史惨剧。所以,中美政府之间应该有更坦诚的对话,在各个部门之间设立各种热线联系加强交流。我在2007访美的时候,就和美国国务院和国防部的官员进行了非常坦诚的谈话。我问美国官员他们对控制陈水扁台独冒险有多大信心,他们一开始说了些外交辞令。但是我希望他们能坦诚相告,于是他们说有很大信心。如果台湾通过公决,美国就会采取措施。特别是一些低级和中级官员和学生学者之间,应该有更多这样坦诚的对话。更多这样的对话,会帮助政府不做出错误愚蠢的决定。


  美国官员:对于中方,台湾问题是一个感情问题,我们需要理解你们对台湾有多深的感情。但是,你们也要理解台湾对于美国来说是一个理性的问题,我们需要以台湾问题来保证我们的利益有依据,这里不馋杂什么感情。


  杨毅:台湾对中国不只是感情问题,它涉及到中国的国家核心利益。所以,美国不要在这个问题上太努力,放手不管就好。中国防御政策是积极防御政策,但是不先打第一枪,不主动攻击仍然是一个不变的原则。

  美国官员:请谈谈建立互信的问题。


  杨毅:建立互信非常重要,但是中美之间的思维有差异,美国关注中国的军事装备发展,但是中国的原则是战略意图透明,我们不先进攻。现在,很多中国的军事信息都可以在互联网上查到,很多东西不再是秘密,这种透明化对建立互信有很积极的意义。领导人之间的个人关系对互信也有很积极的意义,需要多沟通,要平等、坦诚地沟通。


  现在,中美两国好像有互相学习的趋势,中国变得越来越开放、越透明,美国越来越封闭,美国9.11以后的安全措施也越来越严。在中国,互联网也越来越开放,政府领导人通过网络与民众对话,便于了解民意,另外,网络在打击腐败等问题上也发挥了积极的作用。


  美国官员:我想了解中国政府和解放军对使用大规模毁灭性武器的恐怖主义的对策。


  杨毅:过去我们认为这种威胁离我们很远,但是现在觉得越来越近了。今天发生在美国和俄国的恐怖主义事件明天也有可能在中国出现,我们正在转变我们的思维和相关的机制以便应对这种威胁与挑战。


  美国官员:你们是不是重视与其他国家共享信息反恐怖主义?


  杨毅:我们很重视。我们重视与美国、俄罗斯和其他国家的信息共享,以实现早预防,早检测,早反应。


  美国官员:我有两个问题:第一,如何解释中国巨大的军事开支和中国防御政策的一致性?第二,如何解释中国巨大的军事开支和解决中国内部问题如人口、污染和贫穷的矛盾?


  杨毅:我先来回答第二个问题,中国有很多社会问题需要解决,都需要钱,这里有一个平衡与协调发展的问题,我们政府提出了“富国强军”的政策,就是解决经济与国防的均衡发展。同时,中国是一个大国,发展包括航空母舰等军事装备是人民的期望,也是武装力量结构平衡的需要,这也得到中国民意的支持,所以在各项投资之间要有个平衡。


  第二个问题是中国发展一些军备是为了向世界提供更好的“公共产品”。比如我们派军舰去索马里,帮助维护那里海域的安全。现在,中国发展航母还只是个愿景,至少还需要5-10年的时间,即使中国造出了一艘航母,美国也不必紧张,因为美国已经有12艘。而且,中国不可能大规模地建造像美国那样众多的航母编队,航母航行和维护的巨大花费也是中国难以承担的。


  我今天上午非常高兴来到这里与大家交流,希望大家在北京期间多看看,不要只看那些高楼大厦就以为北京和纽约一样发达了。中国还是一个发展中国家、一个和平发展的国家。(环球时报记者 王文 黄飞)
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