The Strategy Game Between Russia, China and the U.S.

Published in Takungpao
(Hong Kong) on 2 May 2010
by Wu Fei (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Huifang Yu. Edited by Joanne Hanrahan.
The strategy game between Russia, US and China has basically started in 2010. The U.S. and Russia basically is in a state of conflict, and a state of economic development. Whether China is able to become the leader in the eastern hemisphere still requires observation. An extremely obvious fact in this game is U.S. is still controlling the world's development, and it is still in the process of confirming its new relationships with Russia and China.

According to an article in UK's "Sunday Times" on April 25th, the U.S. Army had gained approval from President Obama for research and development on a new generation of ultra-fast weapons. These weapons can attack any part of the world within an hour. The former U.S. president, Junior Bush once advocated such technology and planned to use such weapons to replace the submarines nuclear warheads, but Russian leader felt that this would increase the chances of a nuclear war. In the end such weapons, which were still in the process of research and development, were not allowed to achieve progress under the Bush administration. Now the U.S. and Russia have gained a common understanding. On top of that, the U.S. and Russia had already signed an important agreement on nuclear disarmament. Subsequently, the strategy game between Russia and the U.S. started in 2010. The U.S. and Russia are basically in a state of conflict and a state of economic development, and whether China will become the leader in the eastern hemisphere still requires observation.

U.S. Strategy is Repositioning Itself

While recently in Hong Kong, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Campbell admitted that the U.S. is in the stage of looking for new friends and reconfirming old friends. The G8 relations is still insufficient to cover the whole world at the current stage. Whether G20 is able to resolve the current world conflict and economic crisis still requires observation. The U.S. has shifted its diplomatic focus to Asia since 2010. American defense and security in Asia will start in full swing. The U.S. wants a peaceful resolution, yet at the same time it is transporting weapons around Asia. The main issues that the U.S. government needs to focus on are still human rights, freedom of the press, etc. in Asia. Freedom of the press will be the key focus here. Maintaining the diversity of the Hong Kong media is also an important objective. Hong Kong establishmentarians and democrats are also parts of the diversity.

Campbell felt that it is easy to judge the relationship between Russia and the U.S. during the Cold War period, yet currently the relationships between the US and China and the U.S. and Russia are difficult to judge. To a certain degree, the requests made by these countries are not too much, but these requests are slowly eroding the benefits of the U.S. If the U.S. is able to handle the problems between China and the U.S. properly, this will stabilize the entire Asia region. To a certain degree, the U.S. does not hope China will control the eastern hemisphere, and it does not want China to share its interests in Asia.

Russia's firm display on geopolitics is the core issue of the strategy game between Russia and the U.S. In spite of media's close attention to Yuan exchange rate issue due to the rise of China, India's contribution to technology, and the import of great quantities of weapons. Still, Russia is one of the Commonwealth of Independent States that is progressing steadily. Other than the Arab States, Russia has already become a steady supplier of the world's energies. Russia is the world's largest supplier in terms of natural gas. The U.S. is still lacking in terms of geopolitical experience as compared to Russia and is generally concerned with economic gains and not the expansion of territory and increasing its allies. Russia gained its experience through Europe's struggle while the U.S. exerted considerable influence in economics and democratization.

The strategy game between Russia, the U.S. and China started after the economic crisis of the U.S., Russia's geopolitics expansion in the Commonwealth of Independent States, and the excessive depreciation of Chinese RMB. The European Union, Japan and ASEAN have all disappeared from this strategy game. Taiwan also disappeared even though there are still issues between it and China. But one of the most obvious fact is that the U.S. is still controlling the development of global affairs, and it is still confirming its new relationships with Russia and China.

The Core of Russia's Geopolitical Expansion

The most interesting character is Japan in Russia and the U.S.'s strategy game. Japan has developed quickly since 1967, and has contributed a lot to the world civilization. On top of that, after Japan became wealthy, it did not assume the accompanying international responsibilities. This is of course due to the U.S. suppressing it, but Japan's politics usually tend to focus on a specific part rather than the big picture. Thus it lacks a strategy. One example is Japan's long overdue apology to China over the issue of World War 2. After the burst of Japan's bubble economy, its economic strength was not weakened. 2 years ago when the U.S. met with an financial crisis, Japan did not play its part. Now even when Japan's Prime Minister is hoping that the U.S. withdraws its military bases in Japan, China on the other hand is expanding its domestic demand. These are all helping America's internal economics and external political environment. As such, this led to the stepped up pressure for Hatoyama to resign. And many think tanks and civil society organizations felt that the policies that Hatoyama's cabinet came up with are worse than Liberal Democratic Party.

China places extreme importance on economic development on a ideological perspective. Bringing up development is the last word of the theory. By doing so, China is preventing war by avoiding direct confrontation with the U.S. on an ideological sphere. Russia was too pro-western before 1996, and adopted western scholars' advocates, and began a shock therapy. After which Russians and the Russian government were basically against the U.S. Currently Russia is promoting sound economic policies, although Russia relies on its energy economics, but the main point for consideration for Medvedev and Putin is how to monopolize energy prices.

China hopes others will understand its difficulties and internal problems while it publicizes itself, but such rationale is generally weak and lack constructivism. Before the U.S. finds a good way to deal with China, there is no harm listening (to China) without expressing opinions. On top of that, continuing to use the depreciation of Renminbi to besiege China. The Chinese think tank emphasized that China might become the Western countries' friend, but this point is still lacking in terms of theoretical ideas.

China Still Resolving its Internal Contradictions

Then, is the U.S. completely denying the rise of China? This is not the case, as China and the U.S. have to cooperate on some issues to reduce hostility from U.S. The U.S. started to notice the appreciation of the Renminbi only after Japan's Minister of Foreign Affairs brought this up. Before 2004, the U.S. and its allies felt that the U.S. dollar should appreciate by 10%, now they feel that it should appreciate by 30%. The American think tank felt that China is currently facing trouble. Still it is not a fatal blow. This issue (Renminbi appreciating) and the issue that happened to China in 1978 and 1989 are totally different.

Father of the Euro, Mondale pointed out that the free market economy is unsuitable for developing China. Even liberal democracy in developing countries will result in populism. The Western countries that the U.S. is leading are performing in a stable manner. The economic situation will fully recover in 2012, and 2010 is a crucial time to start strategizing.

The American think tank feels that after the U.S. encountered the economic crisis, it has moved onto a new stage. And this stage is not a recession, rather it is a stage to seek out new strategic partners. China will continue to be its golden stage of development for the following 10 years, but the problem with China is how will it distribute its wealth from its economic development. The main issue that China should consider how resolving its internal contradictions will aggravate other issues. The focal point of observation is whether the U.S. and Russia will cooperate on certain issues.

Author is an associate professor and doctor


俄美中三國戰略大博弈/ 吳非
2010-5-2

2010年俄美中戰略大博弈基本已經展開。美俄基本處於衝突、分工階段,中國是否能夠成為東半球的主導力量仍然需要觀察。在這場博弈當中,一個非常明顯的事實是,美國還在控制全球事務的發展,美國正在確認和俄羅斯、中國的新型關係。

據英國《星期日泰晤士報》4月25日報道,美國軍方已經獲得總統奧巴馬對研發新一代超快速武器的支持,以便在一小時之內打擊地球的任何角落。美國前總統小布什就曾經鼓吹這種技術,準備用這種武器取代潛艇上的核彈頭,但俄羅斯領導人認為這將增加核戰爭的危險,結果這種新武器研發在布什政府任內未取得進展。現在,美國與俄羅斯在此問題上取得共識,並且美俄已經聯手在核裁軍上簽署重要協議。這樣2010年俄美中戰略大博弈基本已經展開。美俄基本處於衝突、分工階段,中國是否能夠成為東半球的主導力量仍然需要觀察。

美國戰略開始重新定位

最近美國助理國務卿坎貝爾在香港訪問時就承認,美國現在正處於尋找新朋友、確認老朋友的階段。在這個階段儘管G8的關係並不能夠涵蓋全球,但G20是否能夠解決現在世界的糾紛和經濟危機,則處於觀察階段。自2010年後,美國的外交重點將會完全轉向亞洲,這樣美國在亞洲的防務安全將會全面展開,美國在亞洲要和平解決問題,同時還要運武器到亞洲周邊。在亞洲美國政府需要展開的主要議題還是人權、新聞自由等,這裡新聞自由將會是重點中的重點。香港媒體多元化的維護,也是其中的重要指標。香港建制派與民主派都是多元化的一部分。

坎貝爾認為:在冷戰時代,蘇聯和美國的關係非常容易判斷,美國對於現階段的中美關係和俄美關係很難判斷,這些國家提出的要求在某種程度上來講並不過分,但這些要求正在逐步侵蝕美國的利益。美國如果處理好中美的問題,將會穩定整個亞洲區域,在某種程度上講,美國並不希望中國來主宰整個東半球,甚至美國並不希望中國來分享其在亞洲的利益。

俄羅斯在地緣政治中的穩健表現是這次俄美中戰略博弈的核心問題。儘管很多媒體都在關注中國崛起後的人民幣匯率問題、印度對於高科技的貢獻和大量武器的進口,但俄羅斯在獨聯體國家的穩健推進,使得除了阿拉伯國家外,俄羅斯已經成為世界能源穩定的提供者。在天然氣方面,俄羅斯是世界最大的供貨商。在地緣政治的推進上,美國的經驗並不如俄羅斯,美國一般只注重經濟利益獲取而不是領土的擴張和盟友的增加。俄羅斯主要是在歐洲的鬥爭中取得經驗,美國則是在經濟和民主化上有相當的影響。

俄美中戰略大博弈是以美國的經濟危機、俄羅斯地緣政治在獨聯體國家的擴張和中國人民幣被質疑過度貶值而開始的。在這場博弈當中,歐盟、日本和東協都消失了。甚至在兩岸的一些議題當中,台灣也消失了。但其中一個非常明顯的事實是,美國還在控制全球事務的發展,美國正在確認和俄羅斯、中國的新型關係。

俄地緣政治擴張是核心

在俄美中戰略大博弈中,其中最有意思的是日本的角色。日本在六七十年代快速發展中,對於世界文明的貢獻並不多,並且當日本富裕後,也沒有承擔相關的國際責任。這其中當然有美國壓制的因素,但日本的政策常常是見木而不見林,缺乏戰略,這包括日本早就應該就二戰問題向中國謝罪。日本泡沫化後,其國家的經濟實力並沒有減弱。兩年前當美國遇到經濟危機需要幫助時,日本基本沒有擔當角色,甚至現在的首相還希望美國從日本的軍事基地撤出,而中國在擴大內需中,對美國內部的經濟和外部政治環境還有幫助。這使得日本內部出現一股強烈的聲音,希望鳩山內閣辭職,甚至很多智庫和民間組織認為,鳩山內閣的政策水平比自民黨還差。

在意識形態領域,由於中國非常重視其經濟發展,提出發展是硬道理的理論,這樣中國避免在意識形態的戰場與美國直接交鋒。在1996年前,俄羅斯過度親西方之後,採用西方學者的主張,開始休克療法,之後民間和政府基本反美。現在俄羅斯基本採用穩健推進經濟的政策,儘管俄羅斯依靠能源經濟,但如何壟斷能源價格是梅德韋傑夫和普京考慮的重點。

中國在對外宣傳中,希望國外能夠理解中國的困境和內部的問題,這樣的解釋一般來講都相當無力,沒有建設性。在美國沒有找到對付中國的良策前,也就姑且聽之,沒有任何的表示,而且還繼續用人民幣貶值這樣技術性的問題來圍困中國。中國智庫在對外宣傳中強調中國可能是西方國家的朋友,但在這一點上的理論創意不足。

中國仍在解決內部矛盾

那麼,美國是否承認中國的全面崛起呢?其實不然,中美必須在一些議題上進行合作,才能夠減少來自美國的敵意。其實人民幣需要升值的問題,是由日本的外長在G7會議上提出,美國才注意。在2004年前美國與其盟國認為對美元應該升值10%,現在則認為應該升值30%。美國的智庫私下認為,中國現在遇到的是麻煩,不是致命打擊,這與之前中國在1978年和1989年遇到的問題不同。

歐元教父蒙代爾就曾指出,自由市場經濟並不適合發展中國家,甚至自由民主體制在發展中國家也會變成民粹的表現。而美國所帶領的西方國家在金融危機中表現穩定,經濟在2012年後應該會全面恢復,2010年則是開始布局的關鍵時刻。

美國的智庫認為,在美國遇到經濟危機之後,進入全新的階段,這個階段不是美國衰退,而是美國正在尋找新的戰略夥伴。中國未來十年還處於發展的黃金期,但問題在於中國在經濟發展中所得的財富,如何在內部分配。解決內部矛盾加劇的問題,才是中國考慮的主要問題。美俄是否在某些議上題聯手則是觀察的重點。 作者為大學副教授,博士
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