China Needs Reprisal Plan Against American Trade Bill

Published in Takungpao
(Hong Kong) on 29 September 2010
by Takungpao Editorial Staff (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Michelle Deeter. Edited by Celeste Hansen.
Recently, the U.S. House of Representatives’ Ways and Means Committee drafted a special tax bill to control currency-exchange rates. The bill states that if a foreign currency’s exchange rate is undervalued, the U.S. can lawfully apply countervailing duties against it. Both houses in Congress must approve the bill. If it passes in the House of Representatives and the Senate, and the president signs it, the government can use it to limit exports from countries with undervalued currencies.

It is very clear that most of these rushing politicians believe that diplomatic channels cannot push the yuan to appreciate substantially, which is why they are using legislation to exert pressure. During this early stage, China undoubtedly wants to create a response strategy to this bill quickly. By no means will it sit and wait for the bill to pass before reacting.

This bill is a harsh and unreasonable use of force by dictators. First, it takes despicable protectionism and legalizes it, then pretentiously claims that the bill is reasonable in the name of “protecting American interests.” In actuality, forcing foreign currencies to appreciate in value means letting your own currency depreciate so that it will become more competitive.

In the 1930s during the Great Depression, many countries used protective tariffs and competitive depreciation to seek benefits at the expense of others. As a result, international trade and individual countries’ economies both suffered setbacks. To gain short-term political benefits, American politicians have forgotten the lessons of the past and given up their own country’s long-term benefits.

Second, this bill gives America full power to evaluate each country’s currency, letting America decide whether a currency is undervalued. This is stark use of America’s hegemonic power to control finances. Since related questions have become highly politicized, the bill can become a political weapon for regional political struggles. If America claims that the currency of a hostile country is undervalued, it can force the currency to appreciate, obstructing that country’s exports and hindering its economic growth.

In truth, it is hard to decide whether a currency is undervalued or overvalued. So-called market-determined exchange rates and market-driven exchange rate reform are lofty ideas that are difficult to realize. Their realization involves many technical criteria and problems, including: (1) Exchange rates are not solely influenced by current accounts. Americans want the yuan to appreciate in order to improve the balance of trade between China and America; however, the flow of capital will also affect the exchange rate. (2) The balance of trade is not solely controlled by the exchange rate. Actually, its influence is minor compared to other factors.

As a Chinese official said, the trade imbalance between China and America is a structural phenomenon, mostly caused by the division of labor. In the past few years, the yuan has appreciated against the dollar about two times, but the trade imbalance between America and China did not shrink — it grew. This proves that appreciating the yuan this time around will not cure anything. (3) When it comes to fixed exchange-rate mechanisms, it is best to regulate the market by addressing domestic labor instead of altering the exchange rate. In terms of prices for product and capital markets, Hong Kong is a good example.

In short, since it is difficult to adhere to exchange-rate rules, America wants a lot of leeway to make decisions arbitrarily. In the past, America has twice requested that the yuan appreciate, and after China appreciated the yuan twice, according to its wishes, America said it was not enough, that the yuan needed to appreciate again, and to a greater extent. This estimation does not have any scientific basis and is politically motivated.

For this reason, China needs to fight back as soon as possible, as well as prepare and announce countermeasures that can act as deterrents. This will force American politicians to recognize China’s power and retreat to avoid a trade war. If China waits until the bill passes to file a complaint with the World Trade Organization, the damage will have already been done.

One should not assume that the bill is a temporary political stunt for the November elections; if the bill passes, the effect will be long-lasting. Besides, the bill is not aimed solely at China. This bill is a challenge against establishing a fairer, more reasonable international financial system, which totally goes against the historical trend of having several major powers in international society. Therefore, to protect its own national interests and the future of the world, China should fight back with all its strength.

There are many possible solutions to this problem, one of which includes responding immediately and not dodging the issue. The National People’s Congress is drawing up a rough countermeasure. That way, if America passes the bill and uses it against China, it can retaliate with redoubled strength.

Another solution, as one mainland Chinese writer suggested, would be to retaliate selectively against the states whose congressmen are pushing hard for the bill to pass. In this way, China could start a trade war with those in America and the European Union who enact the law.

In conclusion, powerful countries should be prepared to fight for justice and use their preparation to deter war. As China rises, irrational attacks are inevitable, and it must respond. This time, it will be difficult to pass a perfunctory exchange-rate adjustment as in the past. Ultimately, China needs to stand up to this challenge.




美国祭出新法案 中国须部署应战

日前美国国会的众院赋税委员会通过了有关操纵匯率的特别关税法案,若有外国的货币匯价偏低,可依法加收关税。这将提交国会参众两院审议,若得以通过并由总统签署,则政府可用来限制源自相关国家的入口。很明显,此举主要是冲茪什磞茖茠怴A政客们认为通过外交渠道未能促使人民币大幅急升,故须由立法来加强施压。对此,中国无疑要及早部署应对策略,切勿坐等其成事后才作出回应。
特别关税法案可谓十分横蛮霸道。首先,这是把恶劣的保护主义行径合法化,并为其戴上了冠冕堂皇的「保卫美国利益」理据。实际上迫外币升值,就等于把本币贬值来提升竞争力,而上世纪三十年代大衰退时,便出现过以邻为壑的提高保护壁垒及竞相贬值浪潮,结果国际贸易及各国经济都一蹶不振。美国政客为了短线的政治私利,便「忘掉」歷史教训,并置国家长远利益于不顾。
其次,法案把评估各国匯率的权力独揽到美国身上,是否偏低都由美国说了算,乃赤裸裸的金融霸权主义。由于有关问题每被高度政治化,令法案还可成为地缘政治斗争的武器:如把与美国敌对国家的货币都借故说成匯率「偏低」,从而由迫使升值来挫其出口及经济。实际上匯率是否偏高或偏低难有定论,所谓以市场定匯率及进行市场化匯率改革,都是难于实现的理想,其中涉及许多技术难题,包括:(一)匯率不单受经常账影响。美国要人民币升值以平衡中美贸易,但资本账下流动亦会影响匯率。在外匯开放及浮动匯率下,资本账的影响更大。(二)贸易平衡并非单由匯率控制,其影响力甚至十分次要,正如中国官员所说,中美贸易不平衡主要是国际分工做成的结构性现象。过去几年间人民币兑美元升值约两成,但中美贸易差额不减反增,证明了此举非对症下药。(三)在固定匯率机制下,市场调节不在匯率变动而体现在内部的劳工、物品及资产市场价格上,香港便是个好例子。
总之,由于何谓正确匯率难有准则,令美国有很大的操纵空间而可任意判定。过去美国曾指人民币低估两成,当中国按其意愿屈曲求全升值两成后,美国又说不够要再大升,显现其「估价」毫无科学依据而只是政治制作。因此,中国必须及早还击,部署并公布反制措施以起震慑作用,使美国政客认识厉害而知难而退,从而避过一场贸易战。若到法案出台中国才向世贸投诉寻求仲裁,则祸患已成冲击早至。更切勿以为这次只是为了十一月选举而作的临时政治秀,如法案通过所产生的效果将是长期性的。此外,法案不单针对中国,也是对建立一个更公平、合理的国际金融体系的公开挑战,完全违反国际社会走向多极化的歷史大潮。因此,中国为了保卫本国权益及世界未来,都应全力反击。办法有很多,其中之一是照办煮碗,也由人大草拟反制法案,若美国通过法案并对华施行时,将双倍还击。另一法则如内地文章所建议者,选取力推法案议员的州作报復,而此法乃欧盟与美国进行贸易战时曾採用者。总之,为正义备战,以备战避战,乃大国所为。中国崛起,自难免要面对及反制无理攻击,作出「敷衍式」匯改,已难如过往般可以过关,最终必须站起来面对挑战。
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