Zhao Kejin: America Could Become More Aggressive on China Issues

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 8 November 2010
by Zhao Kejin (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jason Nordmark. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
The dust has settled from the American midterm elections resulting in an overwhelming one-sided victory for the Republican Party. There have been comments that the American midterm election will not have too large of an impact on American politics and Sino-American relations. This is a misunderstanding of American politcs. If China is going through the American midterm elections without catching the signs of brewing political trouble, it is simply missing an opportunity in regards to diplomacy toward America.

The core change produced in this midterm election was that the Democratic Party lost the intitiative and control on Capitol Hill. During the previous two years of the Obama administration, Democrats controlled the White House, both houses of Congress and a majority of state governor seats, which allowed Obama to be very comfortable in pursuing his own agenda. After the midterm election, Obama will be faced with more Republican interference. The Republican Party is about to appoint John Boehner as Speaker of the House, under whose leadership the "Commitment to America" agenda will be carried out. This agenda will focus on financial appropriation, the Chinese Renminbi exchange rate, the Taiwan issue, human rights issues and intellectual propoerty rights. Focusing on these issues can produce new pressure on Sino-American relations and possible new setbacks may arise.

First, the midterm elections have brought about an opportunity for improvment in the Sino-American strategic relationship. Given the Democrats’ loss of majority control of the House of Representatives, the biggest challenge facing the Obama administration is the overall tightening up of control over money matters. Until now, the American 2011 fiscal year's appropriation bill has yet to carry either the Senate or House of Representatives. In the domestic political party struggle, both are sticking to their guns.

Obama is bound to set his sights at aiming to grasp the support of other countries. America hopes for a rapid rise in coordination with China about demands in the Sino-American macroeconomic policy. Sino-American strategy and economic dialogue are of great significance towards Sino-American relations and great importance can be given to them by the American side. Strategic Sino-American cooperation can simultaneously strengthen and move forward Sino-American relations and bring about an opportunity for a period of certainty.

Second, the midterm elections weakened the previous Democratic political agenda's pressure on Sino-American relations. Before the midterm elections, the White House's policy toward China was under pressure from members of the Democratic Party on Capitol Hill — for example, the Renminbi exchange rate, trade friction issue, climate change and the clean energy issues. Although the White House did not entirely agree with the views of the members of Congress, in order to be able to allow health care reform and the financial and economic stimulus plan to smoothly pass Capitol Hill, one can assume, Obama reluctantly yielded on his China policy. After the midterm election, these agendas being able to have any strong effect is seriously discounted. The participation of both houses in passing the Renminbi exchange rate bill is very difficult to accomplish.

Again, the midterm elections’ effect on Sino-American relations can put up a few new topics for discussion. Along with the Republican Party leading the House of Representatives, some of the old problems between China and America may surface in a new way. If we look at history, the Republican-led Congress is more agressive on the China issue than the Democratic-led Congress. For example, from 1979 to 2006, statistics show both parties’ interference with China by passing resolutions in regards to the economy: the Republicans, on security, human rights and intervening in the Taiwan issue, exceed the Democratic Party in number of resolutions. This signifies that with the House of Representatives under the control of the Republicans, the issues of security, human rights, intellectual property rights and the Taiwan issue can possibly give rise to a conflict hotspot once again. The Renminbi exhange rate issue could also converge together with these to trouble the development of Sino-American relations.

The Taiwan issue is special; the Republican party has no lack of pro-Taiwan members. For example, Ohio's District 1 Congressional Representative Steve Chabot, after suffering defeat in 2008, staged a comeback. Before being voted out, he became one of the co-chairmen of the "Taiwan Connection" organization. Between 2001 and July of 2006, the Congress produced 47 resolutions which directly interfered with Taiwan. Among them, seven resolutions came from Chabot's special hand. This fellow, in a single day, returned to Capitol Hill because he must continue to manage the "Taiwan Connection" which manufactures trouble for Sino-American relations.

In addition, the midterm elections will also have mixed effects on the willpower of Barack Obama. The American political scene's changes can cause the Obama administration to use more natural resources, time and energy in the domestic political chess game. Any lofty diplomatic aspirations will be given a big discount, especially any goals in the area of economic and social affairs. Obama's policy toward China will be under more control by the House of Representatives. At the same time, the Republican Party maintaining a position of unity will help the Sino-American relations in regards to economic cooperation. But in security affairs, Obama cannot but confront an aggressive Congress. Whether the dialogue will be partnership-based or competition-based remains to be seen.

(The Author is an Associate Professor at Tsinghua University's Institute of International Relations.)


赵可金:美国对华议题将更具攻击性

2010-11-08 08:15 环球时报 我要评论 分享
字号:T|T
  美国中期选举尘埃落定,共和党赢得了一边倒的优势。有评论认为美国中期选举对美国政治和中美关系没有太大影响。这是对美国政治的一种误解。如果没有透过中期选举捕捉到美国政治所发生的风吹草动,中国对美外交就会错失机遇。


  此次中期选举所产生的核心变化是民主党失去了国会山的主导权。在奥巴马执政的前两年时间内,民主党掌控白宫、国会两院和州长多数席位的政治格局让奥巴马可以很舒服地推行自己的政治日程。中期选举之后,奥巴马将会更多面临共和党议程的干扰,共和党在即将任众议院议长约翰·博纳领导下推行“向美国承诺”等议程,在财政拨款、人民币汇率、台湾问题、人权问题、知识产权问题等方面会产生新的压力,中美关系可能会出现新的波折。


  首先,中期选举为中美战略关系改善创造了一个机遇。民主党在国会众议院多数席位的丢失,奥巴马政府面临最大的挑战就是财权将全面收紧。到目前为止,美国2011财政年度的所有12项拨款法案均尚未获得两院任何一个院会的通过。在国内两党争执不下的情况下,奥巴马必然会把目光瞄准其他国家的支持,美国希望中国在中美宏观经济政策协调上的需求会迅速上升,中美战略与经济对话对中美关系的重要性也会受到美方的重视,中美战略关系的合作一面会得以加强,这为推进中美关系创造一个可以把握的机遇期。


  其次,中期选举削弱了早先民主党政治议程中对中美关系的压力。中期选举之前,白宫在对华政策上更多会受到国会山民主党议员的压力,比如人民币汇率问题、贸易摩擦问题、气候变化和清洁能源问题等,尽管白宫并不完全同意国会议员的看法,但为了能够让医改、金融和经济刺激计划等议程在国会山顺利通过,不得不摆出一副半推半就的样子。中期选举之后,这些议程的冲击力肯定会大打折扣,参众两院很难达成像众议院先前通过的那种汇率法案。


  再次,中期选举将会在中美关系中设置一些新的议题。随着共和党主导众议院,中美关系的一些老问题可能会以新的方式重新泛滥。从历史表现来看,共和党主导国会比民主党主导国会在对华议题上明显更具进攻性。比如1979至2006年国会两院涉华提案的统计归类发现,两党在经贸议题上保持同等而较高的关注度的同时,共和党在安全、人权以及台湾议题上的介入明显超过民主党。这就意味着,共和党主导国会众议院的情况下,安全、人权、知识产权以及台湾议题将可能再度上升为中美双方交锋的热点,与经贸、人民币汇率等合流困扰中美关系发展。特别是台湾问题,共和党国会中不乏有亲台议员,比如俄亥俄第1选区的史蒂芬·夏伯特在2008年败北后卷土重来,当年就是“台湾联系”组织的共同主席之一,2001年至2006年的7年间,国会两院共产生47件直接涉台提案,其中7件就出自夏伯特之手。此人一旦重返国会山,必会继续经营“台湾连线”,对中美关系制造麻烦。



  此外,中期选举还会对奥巴马的决策意志产生复杂的影响。美国政局的变化会令奥巴马政府拿出更多的资源、时间和精力用于国内的政治博弈,在外交上的雄心会大打折扣。特别是在经济和社会事务上,奥巴马在中美关系上的决策会更多受制于国会众议院。同时,美国共和党支持群体中有大公司集团平衡立场,中美关系反而在经济问题上更容易达成合作。但是,在安全事务上,奥巴马则不得不面对一个咄咄逼人的国会,奥巴马政府在对话政策上究竟以伙伴合作为主,还是以竞争对手为主,还有待观察。▲(作者是清华大学国际问题研究所副教授。)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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