Where Is the U.S. Headed after the Midterm Elections?

Published in Nanfang Daily
(China) on 8 November 2010
by Chen Yongjie (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Rose Zu. Edited by Heidi Kaufmann.
If the midterm elections are the American voters’ first report card for Obama, then Obama definitely does not pass the test.

2008 saw a government of unified Democrats, which was unexpectedly kept for only two years. It only took one big electoral loss for the House of Representatives to be handed to the Republicans. The Senate is also just holding on. The biggest losses were from the pile of governors who were shooed away by voters. As for the leaders of the Democratic Party, from within the “troika” — Obama (president), Pelosi (former speaker of the House) and Reid (senate majority leader) — Obama’s popularity has fallen below 40 percent, Pelosi lost the position of speaker, and even though Reid still holds the position of majority leader, he was all but overturned in Nevada. The Democrats’ loss is difficult to bear.

The current structure of two divided houses has determined that the future Obama administration cannot act as it did in the past two years, where it could do what it wanted on various reforms and legislation. Many commentators believe that the logic of the operations of party politics has decided that proposals, especially those that Republicans call “liberal,” will definitely face obstacles in the House, where they will be changed beyond recognition at best, and run aground or sunk at worst. In reality, the direction of post-election American politics is not yet clear, though there are three different scenarios.

First is the dead end that the majority of opinions believe will appear; that is, a rerun of 1994-1996, when Republican Rep. Gingrich and Democratic President Clinton met head-on on all legislative issues. This life-or-death struggle went so far as to have no scruples about bringing government to a halt. With the current depth of hatred between Republicans and Democrats, a rerun of that period of history is completely possible, especially since Republicans have an important agenda to push through: making Obama step down.

The Senate has few party leaders, and Republican Mitch McConnell said early on in the race that “the single most important thing we want to achieve is for President Obama to be a one-term president.” In the House, John Boehner, who will represent the Republicans and replace Pelosi as speaker, has repeatedly stated that Obama’s health care bill will be overturned, going further to pronounce that “this is not a time for compromise.” These all imply that the Republican Party, for the sake of driving out Obama, may not hesitate to let many legislative procedures come to a halt.

However, the Democrats have mentally prepared for a reenactment of Gingrich and Clinton’s previous big struggle early on and will not necessarily be as helpless as before. More importantly, this will give voters a very negative impression. In destroying the Democratic Party, the Republican Party will also be harmed — harming the other will not benefit the self. If it’s thought that the losses do not outweigh the gains, then the Republicans may choose another option.

When this sort of circumstance arises, another scenario may appear, namely cooperation. At present, with the Republicans and Democrats having swords drawn and crossbows loaded, believing that they will cooperate is unfathomable. However, this sort of development is definitely possible. Reasons include political considerations, such as that mentioned above and those concerning the personal motives and plans of a new batch of Republican representatives.

The “great plan to expel Obama” from the “old boys” in political circles is not necessarily in accordance with the interests of a younger school, who all still have brilliant political futures. Especially from the point of view of new representatives, as long as the old boys “raise trouble” on Capitol Hill, their own first terms in Congress will appear useless, as if yielding no results. Moreover, excess noise is not beneficial for incumbents. For those senators whose political resumes are clean and have ambition, their sights are fixed on the White House and therefore will be even less willing to stir up trouble.

This group of younger representatives will be more prone to cooperation. For example, possible Republicans include Blunt and Boozman. In reality, even McConnell once said that, “If Obama lets half of the Republicans’ proposals pass, then cooperating with Obama is not impossible.”*

What’s harder to predict are the congressmen that will be elected with the support of the tea party. The rise of the tea party originated from a bout of protest. Their platform rests on opposing the Obama administration’s overspending and operating on high levels of fiscal debt. However, at the same time, it doesn’t like the Republican Party’s many pranks. These representatives generally have little political experience, so it is difficult to examine their previous words and actions to judge how they will act in Congress. Therefore, even if the two main parties can cooperate, it is difficult to say that tea party members will not come out and spoil things.

Therefore, after the tea party members’ attack, the last scenario that could arise is trouble and chaos. No one knows what things will be like. What can be predicted is that under “tea trouble,” the Republicans and Democrats — the two main parties — will be even more willing to cooperate because from the point of view of these two major parties, once the two-party system is broken, there will be an era of either multiple parties or one in which one party will replace the other. Neither party is willing to take this risk.

The author is a Researcher at the Center for Public Administration Research of Sun Yat-Sen University

*Editor’s Note: This quote, accurately translated, could not be verified.


陈永杰:美国中期选举后走向何方?

作者:陈永杰 中山大学行政管理研究中心研究员

现在两院分治的格局,决定了未来的奥巴马政府不可能像以往两年般,在各项改革和立法上想干什么就干什么。

如果说,中期选举是美国选民给奥巴马出的第一份成绩单,那么奥巴马肯定不及格。

2008年实现了院府一统的民主党,居然只维持了两年时间,一场选战大败,就把众议院拱手让给了共和党,参议院也只是勉为其难地守住,最惨的是一堆州长被选民轰下了台。民主党的领导层,在“三驾马车”——“奥巴马(总统)、佩洛斯(原众议院议长)、里德(参议院议长)”中,奥巴马民望跌至不足四成,佩洛斯掉了众议院议长职位,里德虽然保住参议院议长一职,却几乎在内华达被掀翻,民主党之败不忍卒睹。

现在两院分治的格局,决定了未来的奥巴马政府不可能像以往两年般,在各项改革和立法上想干什么就干什么。很多评论人士认为,政党政治的运作逻辑决定了,尤其是那些被共和党人称为“自由派”的方案,肯定会在众议院遇到阻拦,轻则被改得面目全非,重则搁浅沉船。其实,选后美国政治的走向尚未有清晰定数,但起码有三种不同局面。

首先,是大多数意见认为可能出现的死局,亦即重演1994年到1996年间,共和党议长金里奇与民主党总统克林顿在所有立法问题上都对着干。这种鱼死网破甚至到了不惜把政府停顿下来的地步。以现时共和党和民主党之间的怨恨之深,这段历史完全有重演的可能,尤其是共和党人有相当重要的议程要推动:赶奥巴马下台。

参议院的少数派领袖、共和党人麦柯奈尔早在选举前就声言,“我们目前最想做的一件大情,就是要让奥巴马总统成为又一个一届总统”。在众议院,将代表共和党取代佩洛斯众议长一职的保纳则一再表示会推翻奥巴马的医疗法案,更明言“这不是一个妥协的时候”。这都意味着共和党有可能为了赶走奥巴马,不惜让各种立法程序停顿下来。

然而,重演当年金里奇与克林顿的大斗法,民主党人早有心理预期,未必会像当年一样束手无策,更重要的是,这样会给选民相当坏的印象。在破坏民主党人的同时,也会给共和党造成伤害,伤人不利己。如果对此形势的估评是得不偿失,共和党人可能会作出另一种选择。

在这种情况出现时,第二种局面将会出现,那便是合作。在现时共和党与民主党如此剑拨弩张之际,认为他们有可能会合作,听起来的确不可思议。但这种发展完全有可能,原因不但有上面提到的政治考虑,也与共和党内一批新晋议员的私底盘算有关。

政坛“老鬼”的“驱奥大计”,未必符合政治前途还一片光明的青壮派议员们的利益。尤其在新议员们看来,随着老鬼们在议会中“闹事”,将使自己的第一个国会议员任期显得一事无成,并且吵吵闹闹,对连任最为不利。对那些政治履历干净,雄心勃勃的参议员而言,他们眼中盯着的是白宫,就更不愿参与这种捣乱行为。

因此,这批青壮派议员会更倾向于合作。例如共和党布伦特、布兹曼等人,就有此可能。事实上,即使是麦柯奈尔,也曾说过,“如果奥巴马在共和党人的议案上放行一半,那么与奥巴马合作亦未尝不可”。

比较难以捉摸的,是“茶党”支持下当选的国会议员。“茶党”的兴起本身就是一场抗议运动。主要立场是反对奥巴马政府的乱花钱、高财赤运作,但同时也不喜欢共和党的种种恶作剧。这批议员的从政资历普遍较浅,很难通过翻看他们的过往言行,判断他们会在国会中怎样做。因此,即使共和民主两党能合作,也难保“茶党”人不出来搅局。

因此,茶党人的冲击后,最后一种可能出现的局面就是“茶煲”(trouble)乱局。没人知道会怎样。可以预期的是“茶煲”之下,共和民主两党更有合作的意愿,因为对这两个大党而言,两党格局一但打破,要么是以后进入多党年代,要么就是其中一个党会被取而代之。这个风险,两党都不会愿意冒。
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