The New Tone in Chinese-American Dialogue
Published in Le Monde
(France) on 20 January 2011
by Le Monde Editorial (link to original)
(France) on 20 January 2011
by Le Monde Editorial (link to original)
Translated from
by Erin Summers.
Edited by Heidi Kaufmann.
President Hu Jintao’s Jan. 19-22 visit to Washington confirmed this obvious truth: Relations between the China and the United States cannot be free from conflict.
For the first time in a long while, America is faced with a power that intends to become its rival at all levels: economic, military, scientific and cultural. The Chinese giant has already reshaped the economic scene throughout the world; it intends to become a strategic giant and not only in its part of the world. The emergence of a rich and powerful China is certainly a good thing; this cannot be done in a Confucian-irenic harmony — neither at home or abroad.
To his credit, Barack Obama does not try to hide the conflicts, frictions and tensions. Over the last two years, annoyance in Washington has increased over China’s business practices and role as a global strategic partner.
It is known that the United States complains that the yuan, the Chinese currency, is undervalued and thus blamed for many problems. On Wednesday, the American president said that the yuan’s undervaluation is a distortion of “fair business”; it is the source of a major structural imbalance in the distribution of savings and in worldwide deficits.
American politicians translate that into very concrete terms: We are losing jobs and market shares. Democratic senators and Republican legislators from the fringe tea party — all of whom are very protectionist — are constantly concocting plans for sanctions against China. Usually, they are defeated by the pro-Chinese pressure groups of large American businesses.
But this time, large American businesses are also angry. They denounce the opacity of the Chinese market, specifically that of public purchasing and the pillage of intellectual property in China.
Mr. Obama, in a frank and open style, has become the spokesperson for their accusations. Mr. Hu gave the Chinese point of view, criticizing the irresponsibility of the American budget and the dangerously lax monetary policy.
In fact, things are improving. To increase domestic demand and also fight against inflation, China has started a slow conversion of its economy, which includes a very gradual re-evaluation of the yuan.
Things are also troubled on the Chinese-American strategic and political front, from tensions in the South China Sea to Taiwan, from Tibet to the issue of human rights in general. There again, the American president did not waffle around with his guest, who seemed perfectly willing to accept this public display of the disagreements between the two countries.
It is only an impression, but it appears as if Mr. Obama has done away with an unnecessarily deferential attitude regarding Beijing in favor of a frank dialogue between equals and without diplomatic sugarcoating. Europe could draw some inspiration from that in its own dialogue with China.
For the first time in a long while, America is faced with a power that intends to become its rival at all levels: economic, military, scientific and cultural. The Chinese giant has already reshaped the economic scene throughout the world; it intends to become a strategic giant and not only in its part of the world. The emergence of a rich and powerful China is certainly a good thing; this cannot be done in a Confucian-irenic harmony — neither at home or abroad.
To his credit, Barack Obama does not try to hide the conflicts, frictions and tensions. Over the last two years, annoyance in Washington has increased over China’s business practices and role as a global strategic partner.
It is known that the United States complains that the yuan, the Chinese currency, is undervalued and thus blamed for many problems. On Wednesday, the American president said that the yuan’s undervaluation is a distortion of “fair business”; it is the source of a major structural imbalance in the distribution of savings and in worldwide deficits.
American politicians translate that into very concrete terms: We are losing jobs and market shares. Democratic senators and Republican legislators from the fringe tea party — all of whom are very protectionist — are constantly concocting plans for sanctions against China. Usually, they are defeated by the pro-Chinese pressure groups of large American businesses.
But this time, large American businesses are also angry. They denounce the opacity of the Chinese market, specifically that of public purchasing and the pillage of intellectual property in China.
Mr. Obama, in a frank and open style, has become the spokesperson for their accusations. Mr. Hu gave the Chinese point of view, criticizing the irresponsibility of the American budget and the dangerously lax monetary policy.
In fact, things are improving. To increase domestic demand and also fight against inflation, China has started a slow conversion of its economy, which includes a very gradual re-evaluation of the yuan.
Things are also troubled on the Chinese-American strategic and political front, from tensions in the South China Sea to Taiwan, from Tibet to the issue of human rights in general. There again, the American president did not waffle around with his guest, who seemed perfectly willing to accept this public display of the disagreements between the two countries.
It is only an impression, but it appears as if Mr. Obama has done away with an unnecessarily deferential attitude regarding Beijing in favor of a frank dialogue between equals and without diplomatic sugarcoating. Europe could draw some inspiration from that in its own dialogue with China.