U.S.-China-Taiwan Co-Development Framework for Building Peace in East Asia

Published in China Times
(Taiwan) on 26 January 2011
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Jason Nordmark. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) Chairman Ray Burghardt had a meeting with President Ma Ying-jiu yesterday regarding the recent meeting between President Obama and Hu Jintao. Burghardt is proficient in Mandarin Chinese and fully understands the cross-strait situation between China and Taiwan. He took over as Chairman of AIT in February of 2006 and has visited Taipei 10 times since.

The goal of Burghardt's trip is similar to his November 2009 trip to Taipei. At that time, President Obama had just finished visiting Beijing and Burghardt was ordered to Taipei in order to carry out a briefing and explanation to President Ma. As far as Taipei is concerned, Burghardt's coming to Taiwan after the Chinese and American meeting to explain the content of Obama and Hu's discussions is very rare. It reflects the unhindered development in Sino-U.S. relations. In other words, Burghardt’s two most recent visits to Taiwan both appear to affirm President Ma's consolidation of American and Taiwanese mutual trust during his term in office. In fact, U.S.-Taiwanese relations certainly have improved because of the improvement in cross-strait relations between China and Taiwan. Political interaction now, compared to the past, is even more frequent.

Another similarity with the situation more than a year ago is that, on one hand, President Obama confirmed his commitment to the Taiwan Relations Act during his joint press conference with Hu. Another similarity is that Obama supported Taiwan's desire to participate more in international organizations and affairs. On the other hand, President Ma still looks forward to new developments in U.S.-Taiwanese relations. Ma raised the question, although a cliche, of whether the development of U.S.-Taiwanese relations extends to the sale of F-16 fighters and diesel submarines, restoration of the investment and trade framework (TIFA), completion of a VISA waiver program and other American ministerial-level official ability to visit Taiwan.

The long-term asymmetric interaction between America, China and Taiwan has been closely followed by the Taiwanese people. The Taiwanese deeply fear turning into the sacrificial lamb in a power struggle between China and America. As a matter of fact, after the substantial improvement in cross-strait relations, Taiwan is no longer a stumbling block in Sino-American relations. During this meeting between Obama and Hu, the American side's "Communique" commended the recent signing of the ECFA agreement. They also welcomed the cross-strait's bulding of new communication channels. Therefore, whether Obama-Hu had a private meeting or publicly declared their positions does not matter. Both sides will persistently lobby for their own core interests. In theory, both should not damage Taiwan's core interests. Moreover, both sides do not want to see a renewal of the original tension in cross-strait relations.

A practical look at the joint Sino-U.S. statement stresses that the U.S. side observes the three Sino-U.S. communiques’ principles and doesn't say a word about the Taiwan Relations Act, but it doesn't actually indicate that the U.S. no longer attaches importance to U.S.-Taiwanese relations. President Ma put forward the pressing issue of buying F-16s and diesel submarines to Ray Burghardt. The weaponry is only for the defense of Taiwan, not for any aggressive usage. It is only to replace aging military equipment. Yesterday, President Ma attended the Ministry of Defense's Chinese New Year dinner party and commented that he was not willing to see the descendants of the Yellow Emperor resort to weapons in order to solve their problems. The Ma administration, up until now, has made a great effort to improve cross-strait relations. Their purpose is precisely to strive for permanent cross-strait peace and proceed to the next step of stability and safety in Northeast Asia.

Taiwan's outward procurement of weapons from the U.S. is not the "encouragement of Taiwanese independence" that Beijing opposes. If China's leaders could change positions with Taiwan and ponder this issue, they of course would realize that Taiwan hopes earnestly only to buy defensive weapons from America. Taiwan only wants enough capacity to fundamentally protect itself without provoking China. It would only be helpful to the cross-strait common safeguards and safety. Afterward, Taiwan and China would be able to proceed to the next step of future bilateral consultation. At the same time, it would reduce internal opposition in Taiwan to cross-strait political talks.

Beijing must recognize that if America wishes to maintain the first island chain in its strategy of superiority in the Asia Pacific region, it must not be partial to the August 17 Communique or the Taiwan Relations Act too much. America seeks to maintain the current military balance of power in the region. When America sells military equipment, it depends on America's own national interests.

Remember that when Burghardt came to Taiwan in November 2009 to have a meeting with President Ma, he also mentioned America selling F-16C/D fighters to Taiwan. According to participants in the meeting, Burghardt responded positively to the question of sales, but America announced in early 2010 that it would not sell the fighters and submarines. It was obvious that the White House was trying to avoid opposition from Beijing. Even though this occurred, Beijing still did not let up on their opposition to the military sales. Beijing suspended military exchanges and relations with the U.S. Recently, Sino-U.S. relations have normalized. One may also say that the Obama-Hu meeting set the tone for the next 10 years of Sino-U.S. relations. On the Taiwan issue, we not only look forward to the issue of military sales not turning into an obstruction in relations between China and the U.S., but also to Sino-U.S. cooperation and harmony spurring on cross-strait political negotiations. We also hope to design a mutual cross-strait and Northeast Asia framework for peaceful development.

Both trips that Burghardt has taken to Taiwan have affirmed that America does not have a fixed policy when it comes to Taiwan. At many times, America states that cross-strait politics should look to the requirements of the citizens’ opinions to move forward. The American side has no intention to intervene in cross-strait negotiations, merely stressing that the "American side supports cross-strait relations, looks forward to peaceful development of their economies, political and other fields of dialogue and interaction, and to developing a more positive and stable relationship" as contained in the Sino-American communique. This means that a stable and peaceful cross-strait relationship most conforms with American national interests.


社評-美中台共同建構東亞和平發展框架

本報訊
 美國在台協會(AIT)理事主席薄瑞光,昨日晉見馬英久總統,並代表美方向馬總統說明「歐胡會」的相關事宜。薄瑞光精通中文,充分了解兩岸現狀,2006年2月接任AIT理事主席之後,迄今已是第10次訪問台北。

 薄瑞光此行台灣之目的,相當類似於2009年11月下旬的那次台北之行。當時薄瑞光也是在歐巴馬總統訪問北京之後,銜命來台向馬總統進行簡報與說明。對台北來說,薄瑞光在美中峰會之後來台說明歐胡會談的內容,堪稱台灣多年來難得一見能從美方直接而順暢地獲取美中關係發展的相關訊息;換言之,薄瑞光近兩次的來台訪問,都呈現了肯定馬總統任內強化台美互信的政治意涵,事實上台美關係確實因為兩岸關係的改善,政治互動較過去更為頻繁。

 與一年多前的情況相仿的是,馬總統這次會見薄瑞光時,一方面肯定歐巴馬總統在歐胡記者會上公開重申遵守《台灣關係法》的立場,也對美方支持台灣擴大國際參與空間,表示感謝;另一方面,馬總統依然對台美關係的發展有新的期待,他所提的台美問題雖是老生常談,但對台灣的政經發展至為重要,如購買F-16C/D型戰機及柴電潛艦;儘快恢復投資暨貿易架構(TIFA)協商;完成台美雙邊引渡協定;免簽證計畫;美方部長級官員訪台等。

 美國、大陸、台灣長期不對稱的三邊互動,長期受到台灣朝野的關注,深怕自己會成為美中強權互動下的犧牲品。其實,當兩岸關係大幅改善之後,台灣已不再成為美中關係的絆腳石。美方在這次《中美聯合聲明》就涉台立場的表述,就「讚揚」兩岸簽署ECFA,也「歡迎」兩岸間建立新的溝通管道,因此歐胡會無論採取闢室密商,或公開表態,雙方在堅持各自核心利益之際,理論上都不應該也不致於損及台灣的核心利益,何況美中都不樂見兩岸關係重新回到對抗的原點。

 現實政治妥協的結果,難免導致《中美聯合聲明》裡只強調美方遵守中美三個聯合公報的原則,而隻字不提《台灣關係法》,但它並不表示美方不再重視台美關係。馬總統對薄瑞光提出購買美國F-16C/D戰機和柴電潛艦的迫切要求,確實不具台灣想擴充軍備之意義,它僅止於台灣的國防裝備需要汰舊換新。誠如馬總統昨日出席國防部春節餐會,有感而發地表示,絕對不願意看到炎黃子孫再以兵戎解決問題。馬政府上任迄今,努力改善兩岸關係,目的正是為謀求兩岸永久的和平,進而建構一個穩定與安全的東亞區域環境。

 台灣向外採購武器,完全不是北京反對美台軍售所聲稱的「鼓勵台獨勢力『以武制統』,進一步強化台獨分裂勢力」。大陸領導人如果能易位思考,當可體會到,台灣期望向美方購買防禦性武器,只不過為保有自身的基本防衛能力,既不會用它來挑釁大陸,反而有助於兩岸共同保障南海疆域的安全,進而可促成兩岸未來的對等協商,同時降低台灣內部反對兩岸政治談判的阻力。

 北京應該認知到,重返亞洲的美國,想要維持亞太地區第一島鍊的戰略優勢,勢必要維繫該地區的軍力平衡,對台軍售的決定既不會受《八一七公報》的牽制,也不會刻意偏袒《台灣關係法》。美方何時對台軍售,又對台出售那些軍備,取決的是自身的國家利益。

 記得2009年11月下旬薄瑞光來台晉見馬總統時,亦曾提到美國售台F-16C/D戰機問題。根據與會者的轉述,薄瑞光當時的回應相當正面,然而2010年初美國公布對台軍售的項目中,戰機與潛艇並未被列入,顯見白宮最終還是忌諱北京的反對態度。即便如此,北京對美台軍售的反擊並沒有因此放鬆,美中軍事交流甚至因此而中斷。於今,美中關係重新回到正軌,歐胡會亦可謂定調了未來10年的美中關係,站在台灣的立場,我們不僅期盼美台軍售不再成為美中及兩岸關係的阻力,反而期許美中關係的合作與和諧,可以帶動兩岸的政治談判,共同建構兩岸及東亞區域和平發展的框架。

 薄瑞光兩次來台都重申美方對台政策不變,也多次強調兩岸政治談判應視台灣需求與民意走向,美方並無意介入兩岸談判。不過,美國在《中美聯合聲明》裡強調「美方支持兩岸關係和平發展,期待兩岸加強經濟、政治及其他領域的對話與互動,建立更加積極穩定的關係」,意味的是穩定與平和的兩岸關係,最符合美方的國家利益。
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