Keeping a Low Profile Is Enough for China to Deal with America’s Attempt at Containment

Published in Zao Bao
(China) on 11 February 2011
by Chunliang Bao (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Zoe Wang. Edited by Gillian Palmer.
The United States hoped countries around China could play a more important role in order to “balance” China’s political power, according to an article published in Singapore Zao Bao on February 11. However, this “containment” foreign policy requires America to put on a huge military investment, to give tremendous benefit to its foreign alliances and to guard against the “bad faith” that the alliances might have. It is not the best policy for a large, dominant country. China should keep a low profile and invest infrastructure around the globe. That way it could benefit others as well as itself, accumulate strength and turn conflict into harmony. The whole article is as follows:

Since international political theories were formed, realism has always been the mainstream theory. Over the past decade, this theory has evolved to the so-called “structural realism,” divided by “defensive realism” and “offensive realism.” Structural conflicts among developed countries are inevitable; however, what has led to drastic changes in the international political structure since World War II is not war, but political decisions made wrongly by developed countries.

Over the past year, the United States has strengthened its relationships with countries around China with the exception of Russia, and indicated that an Asian NATO might be on its way to being formed, which has received great attention in the media. But just like the Soviet Union did not dissolve because of NATO, the U.S. military foreign policy does not always achieve its goal. Since the 2008 economic crisis, the U.S. has raised its guard against China, whose rapid development echoes with the U.S. attitude. In the meantime, China's diplomatic bargaining chip has increased drastically; enhancing foreign affairs with Europe is an obvious example.

In order to “balance” China, the U.S. wanted India and Japan to play more important roles in Asian affairs. But changes in foreign policies ultimately depend on whether each country can “run its own business.” According to the International Monetary Fund Statistics, the average debt of the Chinese government is twice its growth domestic product (GDP); in India this number is 7, in America 10 and in Japan it is 2.3. Keeping a low profile in its foreign policy keeps China’s military expenses low. China’s financial prudence also enables it to adopt different policies in the future. In comparison, Japan’s “anti-China” attitude was not supported by relative monetary foundation.

India’s economy is relatively stable. But just as an article in the U.S. Newsweek Magazine mentioned, the fortunes of the top 10 wealthiest men in India made up 12 percent of its GDP. In China, that number is 1 percent, in Brazil 5 percent, Russia 9 percent. It is not a far-fetched to say that in India, the degree to which the rich and powerful men use all kinds of relationships to skin the poor is 10 times worse than in China. In reality, general merchants in India disregard Western countries’ high praise for its rapid growth, and transfer 10 percent of its surplus abroad. Because of the internal obstacles, after slight development, India might repeat the same mistake made by the Philippines and Thailand. Whether it can successfully run its own business is the key to its political and economic success.

For developed countries, policies like “containment” mean a lot of investment in military, as well as giving a tremendous amount of benefit to their alliances. They also have to guard themselves against the alliances’ “bad faith” and other uncooperative countries’ seeking profits in between. It is a bad policy in general. For countries whose economies are not healthy, this policy means they have to transfer resources of investment and wealth. They may even run the risk of disintegration of the whole country. Therefore, if the “containment” policy goes into effect, it is hard to predict that what would happen next. Would China, a financially sound country, first go into civil strike? Would the American consumers first protest on the street? Would Japan’s economy finally collapse? Would the armed Indian guerrillas use that opportunity to expand their territory? Like Russia, who first exited World War I in 1917, who would exit the war first this time?

Every country should first work on business of their own, then affairs with other countries. The zero sum game mentality of confrontation can only cause negative effect. It does no good to anybody. Many people think that America’s “soft power” is very attractive. However, if America does use the “containment” policy toward China, the impact will be much bigger than the Iraq war. Its soft power will no doubt be damaged. Therefore, China’s policy of keeping a low profile in its foreign policy would be mutually beneficial to itself and the rest of the world. It would enable China to invest infrastructure around the world, and it would turn conflict into harmony.


合早报:中国韬光养晦足以应对美国围堵企图
2011年02月11日 14:56
来源:中国新闻网 作者:包淳亮

中新网2月11日电 新加坡《联合早报》10日刊出评论说,为“平衡”中国,美国希望中国周边扮演更重要角色。但“围堵”这类外交政策,对推动的大国来说,需要在军事上进行大量投资,得在盟邦关系中给予大量好处,还得警惕盟邦的“背信弃义”,实属下策。韬光养晦的中国,在世界各地投资基础建设,利人利己,倒是累积软硬实力的下盘硬功夫,能化戾气为祥和。
文章摘编如下:
自国际政治学开门立派以来,现实主义向为主流,近数十年更发展为所谓“结构现实主义”,并有所谓防御性现实主义与攻势现实主义之说。然而,大国之间的结构冲突固然难免,但是二次大战结束以来导致结构快速变迁的却不是战争,而是源自大国自身的错误政经决策。
过去一年,美国强化了中国周边除俄罗斯外的其它几个大国的关系,似乎有向亚洲版北约发展的态势,从而引起舆论界的广泛关注。但是苏联不是因为北约而瓦解,美国军事外交政策恐怕也未必总能尽如其所愿。2008年经济危机以来,美国对中国的防范心态提高,但这种防范与中国快速崛起相呼应,而后者意谓着中国的外交筹码也快速增加,与欧洲外交的提升即是明显的例子。
为“平衡”中国,美国希望印度与日本在亚洲扮演更重要角色,但格局的演变最终更多取决于各国能否“办好自己的事”。按照国际货币基金统计,中国政府的一般债务相当于国内生产总值的两成,印度为七成,美国为十成,日本则为2.3倍。中国的韬光养晦使其军事外交支出较低,财政上的谨慎,意谓着中国在未来有着采纳各项政策的余裕;相对来说,日本政坛“抗中”的浮躁情绪,却没有相应的财政基础。
印度的财政状况似乎相对稳健,但是如同美国《新闻周刊》跨年专刊一篇文章提到的,印度前十大富豪的财富,相当于其国内生产总值的12%,而中国的相应数字是1%,巴西是5%,俄国是9%。若说印度豪富之家利用各种关系巧取豪夺的程度,比中国严重十倍,应不为过。在此现实下,印度一般商人不顾西方国家对印度高速增长的揄扬称道,将10%以上的盈余转移国外。由于内部的各种阻碍,印度在略有发展之后,即可能重蹈菲律宾、泰国等的覆辙;她能否办好自己的事,才是其政治经济
“围堵”这类外交政策,对推动的大国来说,需要在军事上进行大量投资,得在盟邦关系中给予大量好处,还得警惕盟邦的“背信弃义”,更得考虑众多不配合国家如何在其中渔利,实属下策。而对于体质本就不健康的国家,此种政策意谓对投资与福利的资源转移,甚至可能在对抗当中增添国家分崩离析的风险。由此来看,倘若围堵果真被采纳,是财政健全、出口畅旺的中国先陷入内乱,或者美国消费者先走上街头,或者日本财政先崩溃,或者印度地方游击武装更大张旗鼓使之左支右绌?就像俄罗斯在1917年陷入革命,退出一次大战一样,谁会先退出下一场冷战?
各个国家都得专注办好自己的事,其次是为其它国家办好事;零和游戏的对抗思维,只会导致负收益,对谁都没有好处。许多人说美国的软实力如何诱人,但若美国真的采取对华围堵策略,其冲击远甚于美伊战争,软实力自然也要受到损害。韬光养晦的中国,在世界各地投资基础建设,利人利己,倒是累积软硬实力的下盘硬功夫,能化戾气为祥和。
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