The End of Obama

Published in El Cronista
(Argentina) on 11 August 2011
by Mario Diament (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Annerys Diaz. Edited by Andrew Schmidt  .
The Federal Reserve's decision to keep interest rates near zero for another 24 months brought a measure of certainty as the markets reacted positively but briefly on Tuesday. This move has ensured (and the Fed has said this in as many words) that there will be no tangible economic recovery by the time the current administration has completed its cycle.

The commitments made by Barack Obama to get Congress to raise the debt ceiling, drastic cuts that do not contribute to the stimulation of the economy and even less to create jobs, coupled with the alarming condition of the European economies, indicate that the President will fight for his re-election in the most unfavorable circumstances.

A gritty and realistic view about his chances is placed in the order of miracles. Even his strongest supporters question his leadership. The great communicator, who shocked the world during his campaign, seems to have lost his oratory abilities. Again and again, Obama has disappointed when circumstances demanded strength, courage and challenge. Not only does he react late, almost a parody of the reaction of George W. Bush to the September 11th attacks, but when he finally does, not only has the urgency passed but his extemporaneous speech sounds distant.

This is what happened during the week that the United States faced the prospect of default, held hostage by a group of legislators associated with the tea party movementwho were more concerned with looking principled than rescuing the nation and much of the world.

Perhaps Obama’s tragedy is that of a man that is bright, sensibly endowed with the virtue of the word, whose heart is in the right place most of the time, but inhibited by an almost pathological inability to accept the need to fight.

And a fight is what the Republicans have given him from the moment he took office. They have not even bothered to create the appearance they respected the will of the electorate or the rules of fair play while waiting to see what steps the new administration would take. On the contrary, they started sabotaging it with all tools available, accusing Obama of having a socialist ideology, spreading the suspicion that he was an undercover Muslim, and even questioning the legitimacy of his citizenship.

Even with the advantages of a Democratic Congress during the first two years of his presidency, Obama had to struggle mightily to push through his initiatives, from the stimulus package of $838 million, too small to be truly effective, according to Nobel prize-winning economist Paul Krugman, to health insurance reform.

Moreover, the Republicans achieved the feat of almost immediately erasing their monumental responsibility and legacy in the deficit created by the Bush administration, not to mention an economy in virtual bankruptcy and two unfinished wars that were put in the hands of the new president. Given this extraordinary act of illusionism, Obama made the mistake of continuing to search for consensus, not realizing he was going blindly into the trap. The great danger at this time is that some of the world's major economies are swinging on the verge of collapse and that Obama is being perceived as irrelevant. If this happens, if the fiery Obama from of the 2008 campaign does not revive from this shy and embarrassed version, the world will return to the cataclysm of 2008.

Perhaps the acceptance that his hopes for re-election are lost and that he is doomed to be, as was Jimmy Carter, president for just one term will unleash in him the energy and conviction needed to tame the crisis. And if this happens, you may discover that miracles exist.


Viene de tapa
La decisión de la Reserva Federal de mantener las tasas de interés cerca de cero por otros 24 meses, si bien aporta una medida de certeza a la que reaccionaron los mercados positiva aunque fugazmente el martes, determina (y el Fed lo ha dicho con todas las palabras) que no habrá recuperación económica tangible para el momento en que la actual administración concluya su ciclo.
Los compromisos asumidos por Obama para lograr que el Congreso apruebe elevar el techo de la deuda, recortes drásticos que no contribuyen a estimular la economía y menos aún, a generar empleo, sumados a la alarmante condición de las economías europeas, indican que el Presidente saldrá a pelear su reelección en las circunstancias más desfavorables.
Un juicio realista y descarnado acerca de sus posibilidades las sitúa en el orden de los milagros.
Aún sus más acérrimos defensores cuestionan su liderazgo. El gran comunicador, que conmovió al mundo durante su campaña, parece haber perdido sus dotes oratorias. Una y otra vez, Obama ha desilusionado cuando las circunstancias demandaban firmeza, coraje y desafío. No solo reacciona tarde, casi en un remedo de la tardía reacción de George W. Bush a los ataques del 11 de septiembre, sino que cuando por fin lo hace, no solo la urgencia ha pasado sino que su discurso suena distante y extemporal.
Esto es lo que sucedió durante la semana en que los Estados Unidos enfrentaban la perspectiva del default, rehenes de un grupo de legisladores asociados al Movimiento del Tea Party, más preocupados por mostrarse principistas que por rescatar a la Nación y a buena parte del mundo, de lo que ahora sucede.
Tal vez la tragedia de Obama sea la del hombre brillante, sensato, dotado de la virtud de la palabra, cuyo corazón se encuentra en el lugar correcto la mayor parte de las veces, pero inhibido por una incapacidad casi patológica de aceptar la necesidad de dar pelea.
Y pelea es lo que los republicanos le han dado desde el momento mismo en que asumió la presidencia. Ni siquiera se preocuparon por crear la apariencia de que respetaban la voluntad del electorado y el fair play mientras aguardaban a ver qué pasos daba la nueva administración. Muy por el contrario, se lanzaron a sabotearla con todo el arsenal de artilugios a disposición, acusando a Obama que albergar una ideología socializante, diseminando la sospecha de que se trataba de un musulmán encubierto y hasta cuestionando la legitimidad de su ciudadanía.
Aún disfrutando de la ventaja de un Congreso demócrata durante los dos primeros años de su presidencia, Obama debió luchar denodadamente para hacer aprobar sus iniciativas, desde el paquete de estímulo de 838.000 millones, demasiado pequeño para ser verdaderamente efectivo, según el Nobel de Economía Paul Krugman, hasta la reforma del seguro médico.
Más aún, los republicanos lograron la hazaña de borrar casi de inmediato toda responsabilidad en el monumental déficit creado y legado por la administración Bush, amén de una economía en virtual bancarrota y dos guerras inconclusas y depositarla en las manos del nuevo Presidente. Ante este extraordinario acto de ilusionismo, Obama cometió el error de persistir en la búsqueda de consenso, sin advertir que entraba ciegamente en la trampa.
El gran peligro en este momento en que algunas de las principales economías del mundo se columpian al borde del colapso, es que Obama sea percibido como irrelevante. Si esto sucede, si el fogoso Obama de la campaña no resurge del ropaje de este Obama tímido y desconcertado, el mundo volverá al cataclismo de 2008.
Tal vez la aceptación de que su esperanza de ser reelegido está perdida y que está condenado a ser, como Jimmy Carter, un presidente de un solo período, desate en él la energía y la convicción necesarias para domeñar la crisis. Y si esto sucede, tal vez se descubra que los milagros existen.
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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