The World Needs Constructive Participants

Published in China News
(China) on 28 October 2011
by Li Ji (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Darren Wright. Edited by Amy Wong.
Each United States president has wanted to have his own doctrine and Obama’s doctrine is seemingly still being established. This doctrine is a type of theory that aims to maximize the influence of the United States while minimizing spending costs for the cash-strapped government. An article by the British Financial Times defines the Obama Doctrine and considers the recently concluded war in Libya to be a model for its success.

During the war in Libya, the U.S. provided advanced weaponry without deploying a single soldier. Specific missions and command operations were all carried out by NATO. The U.S. only spent $1 billion USD, which is nothing compared to the $1.1 trillion it spent on the war in Iraq.

The Obama administration has consistently and deliberately followed a strategy of maximizing its influence in exchange for the least amount or for a reduced cost since its inauguration. The offshore balance strategy actually came into being after the failure of the Bush administration’s dominant strategy of preemptive military intervention. Hillary Clinton’s proposal of smart power diplomacy after she was sworn into office in 2009 as U.S. secretary of state can be described as a prelude to this strategy. In the background leading up to the introduction of this strategy, the image of the United States was greatly damaged due to the brandishing of its gun, and its power was diminished.

In reality, the changes mentioned above are merely changes in a pattern. The U.S. broadcasts its values and political model to the world in order to protect its global interests and maintain its leadership status. This will not change. Its goal, as mentioned in “U.S. National Security Strategy 2010,” is to again position the United States to champion mutual interests among nations and peoples.

One important piece of background regarding the introduction of the Obama Doctrine is that following the rise of the emerging powers, there was an increase in the global trend of multi-polarization. Since the occurrence of the 2008 financial crisis, reforms to the International Monetary Fund and coordination within the G20 underscore the changes in the global power structure. However, while one facet of the new U.S. way of thinking is to adapt to developments and situational changes, it is also a way for the U.S. to rebound.

On one hand, the United States must change its antiquated method of leading global affairs. For some major international affairs, it needs to increase its consultations [with other nations] and use outside assistance. On the other hand, the U.S. refuses to relinquish its dominant position, and it will do everything possible to make circumstances fit its designed trajectory. The U.S. has not abandoned its policy of intervening in the internal affairs of other countries. Rather, it will selectively or indirectly intervene.

This type of contradictory mentality creates a high amount of uncertainty for future U.S. strategy. Under what circumstances will the U.S. use military force to intervene? Will it use some of the already existing regional conflicts for its benefit more [than it already has]? Will it not hesitate to stir up conflict between some of the countries in order to realize its so-called offshore balancing? Will it stir up trouble and then wash its hands of the resulting problems, leaving trouble for its allies or for the international community? These questions are not only relevant for the sustainability of U.S. global strategy but also for global stability.

The chessboard of today’s world is incredibly complex. It is much too naive to believe that we can continue to exist by relying on imitating the Libya Model. The resolution of international issues requires consultation and thorough consideration. This is a trend that will not bend to the will of any individual country. Circumstances are more powerful than individuals, and Western nations should possess a deep understanding of this fact.

Of course, an adjustment of the current economic and politic order cannot occur without the participation of the United States, the number one world power. As for the U.S., it isn’t concerned with simply being a leader, but rather with on learning how to be a constructive participant.


 每一位美国总统都希望自己能有个“主义”,奥巴马总统的“主义”似乎也在形成之中。这是“一种把美国的影响力最大化、把囊中羞涩的政府的支出成本最小化的理论”。英国《金融时报》文章给出了“奥巴马主义”的定义,认为其成功范例就是刚刚结束的利比亚之战。

  利比亚的这场战争,美国提供了先进的武器,却没有派出一兵一卒,具体执行任务和指挥行动的都是北约盟国。美国只花了10亿美元,与伊拉克战争所花1.1万亿美元相比,不过是小菜一碟。

  以最小代价或减少代价来换取最大影响力,是奥巴马政府上台后就一直刻意运用的策略。事实上,随着布什政府以“先发制人”军事干涉为主导的战略理念的失败,“离岸制衡”的战略就应运而生。美国国务卿克林顿2009年上任之后提出的“巧实力外交”,可谓这一战略的先声。其出台背景是,美国的形象因直接“舞枪弄棒”而严重受损,而美国的实力也不如以往。

  其实,上述变化不过是方式的转变而已。美国在全球传播其价值观和政治模式,维护其全球利益,坚守其领导地位的大方向没有变,也不会变。美国《2010年国防战略》提出的目标就是,“必须将美国置于领导不同国家和民族间共同利益的地位”。

  “奥巴马主义”出台的一个重要背景是,随着新兴大国群体性崛起,世界格局多极化趋势在增强。2008年金融危机以来国际货币基金组织改革以及二十国集团内的协调,突出反映了全球实力格局的变化。但是,美国新思潮有“顺应”形势发展变化的一面,同时也是一种“反弹”。

  一方面,美国不得不改变“领导全球性事务”的旧方式,在一些重大国际事务上增加协商、借助外力;另一方面,美国又不肯放弃主导权,千方百计地使局势按照它所设计的轨迹演变。美国并未放弃干预别国内政的政策,而是要有选择地干预,或者是不直接干预。

  这种矛盾的心态也使美国的战略前景具有相当大的不确定性。美国会在什么情况下使用武力干预?美国会不会更多地利用一些原有的地区矛盾来获利?会不会不惜激起某些国家间的冲突,以实现其所谓“离岸制衡”?会不会在一些地方挑起事端而撒手不管,把麻烦留给盟国或国际社会?这些问题不仅关乎美国全球战略的可持续性,也关乎世界局势的稳定。

  今天的世界棋局十分复杂,以为靠复制“利比亚模式”就能走活,实在是过于幼稚。处理国际事务需要协商,需要周全的考虑,这是不以个别国家意志为转移的大趋势。形势比人强,西方国家理应对此有深刻理解。

  现有政治经济秩序的调整,当然离不开美国这个世界头号强国的参与。对美国来说,要紧的不是一味想着当领导者,而是学会做一个建设性的参与者。
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