Japan's Negotiating Stage Spreads As It "Attacks" the TTP
Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda has entered into the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) negotiations. A strategy that incorporates foreign strength through trade and investment is imperative for the growth of Japan’s economy. The resolution is late in coming, but from now on they should adopt a change of attitude and boldly get down to making new rules of commerce and carrying out agricultural reforms.
At a press conference the prime minister said, “Our country, which has flourished as a trading nation, must go on becoming stronger in Asia and the Pacific.” At the same time he emphasized that “We are proud of our health care system, and we will resolutely protect it and Japan’s traditional culture and beautiful farming villages to the end. After a lot of national debate, we will go on reaching conclusions with the national interest in mind.”
It appears that they have taken into consideration the Democratic Party’s cautious opinions, looked past the interests of individual businesses and made big-picture decisions, which are very significant. In the opposing arguments, there are many things that are based on misunderstanding, and so the government must explain them more thoroughly from here on out.
The issue that stands out regarding the controversy up to now has been about how Japan should deal with the TPP, for which the United States is the driving force, from a “defensive” point of view. Under pressure from the loud voices of resistance to the TPP — the opposition to agricultural and farming reforms — the government has repeatedly given limited explanations about the domestic effects it will have.
The real image of the TPP is like that of a “house” that is under construction. The groundwork is over, and they should think about the phase of gradually building the framework. The blueprints have been drawn up without Japan, and if they move in, they must build a house which reflects Japan’s national interest.
If Japan joins in, the scale of their economy will occupy a quarter of the TTP; it will be the second largest “resident” following the United States. I expect it will be fine to request not only the particulars of the agreement under negotiation, but if judged necessary, changes to the design as well.
Negotiating countries in Asia, such as Singapore and Malaysia, welcome Japan’s participation. This is because, at the moment, it has tended to become a one-sided power relationship, with Asia responding to U.S. demands to open their markets. It is Japan’s duty to be at the forefront of making rules of commerce for Asia and the Pacific while also dealing with America.
The U.S. government will try to solidify the outlines of the TPP agreement at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit that begins [Nov. 12]. Future negotiation deadlines have not been decided.
With the U.S. presidential elections coming up next autumn, pressure is probably mounting on the protectionist force that is the Obama administration. U.S. enthusiasm for the World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations has abated; they’ve fallen into a state of drifting. They must not let this happen with the TTP. Now is the time to demonstrate Japan’s ability to get things done by pushing forward with free trade.
At a press conference the prime minister said, “Our country, which has flourished as a trading nation, must go on becoming stronger in Asia and the Pacific.” At the same time he emphasized that “We are proud of our health care system, and we will resolutely protect it and Japan’s traditional culture and beautiful farming villages to the end. After a lot of national debate, we will go on reaching conclusions with the national interest in mind.”
It appears that they have taken into consideration the Democratic Party’s cautious opinions, looked past the interests of individual businesses and made big-picture decisions, which are very significant. In the opposing arguments, there are many things that are based on misunderstanding, and so the government must explain them more thoroughly from here on out.
The issue that stands out regarding the controversy up to now has been about how Japan should deal with the TPP, for which the United States is the driving force, from a “defensive” point of view. Under pressure from the loud voices of resistance to the TPP — the opposition to agricultural and farming reforms — the government has repeatedly given limited explanations about the domestic effects it will have.
The real image of the TPP is like that of a “house” that is under construction. The groundwork is over, and they should think about the phase of gradually building the framework. The blueprints have been drawn up without Japan, and if they move in, they must build a house which reflects Japan’s national interest.
If Japan joins in, the scale of their economy will occupy a quarter of the TTP; it will be the second largest “resident” following the United States. I expect it will be fine to request not only the particulars of the agreement under negotiation, but if judged necessary, changes to the design as well.
Negotiating countries in Asia, such as Singapore and Malaysia, welcome Japan’s participation. This is because, at the moment, it has tended to become a one-sided power relationship, with Asia responding to U.S. demands to open their markets. It is Japan’s duty to be at the forefront of making rules of commerce for Asia and the Pacific while also dealing with America.
The U.S. government will try to solidify the outlines of the TPP agreement at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit that begins [Nov. 12]. Future negotiation deadlines have not been decided.
With the U.S. presidential elections coming up next autumn, pressure is probably mounting on the protectionist force that is the Obama administration. U.S. enthusiasm for the World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations has abated; they’ve fallen into a state of drifting. They must not let this happen with the TTP. Now is the time to demonstrate Japan’s ability to get things done by pushing forward with free trade.