North Korean “Satellite”: Is Missile Defense the Correct Response?

Published in Tokyo Shimbun
(Japan) on 4 April 2012
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Ryo Christopher Kato. Edited by Tom Proctor.
The government has issued an order to shoot down the North Korean “satellite,” which carries the same capabilities as a long-range ballistic missile. However, is the Japanese Self-Defense Force's missile defense system effective?

This is the second time that a shoot-down order has been issued since North Korea’s April 2009 long-range ballistic missile launch. The missile, slated to be launched between the 12th and 16th of this month, will fly over Okinawa’s Sakishima Islands. The Ministry of Defense has shipped surface-to-air interceptor missiles (PAC-3) to the main Okinawan island, Miyako island, and Ishigaki island from the Japanese mainland. The Ministry has also deployed three Aegis escort vessels equipped with sea-to-air interceptor missiles (SM-3) to the East China Sea and the Sea of Japan.

The Bankrupt Theory of Deterrence

A segment of the population on Ishigaki island, where no Self-Defense Force forces are currently based, expressed concern that “this is intended to slowly accustom the residents to a regular military presence on the island.” The government likely feels that there is a possibility that the missile will hit Japan. They reason that as long as Japan possesses a missile defense system, they ought to issue a shoot-down order.

By launching their “satellite,” North Korea intends to perfect their long-range missile capabilities in order to gain a better position in dealing with America and to cause disorder in Japan. In 2009, there was chaos after the Japanese government incorrectly reported the North Korean missile launch a day in advance. The government and local authorities thrust onto each other the all-important duty of notifying the citizens in the event that the missile landed on Japanese territory. In the end, this role was neglected.

A missile defense system is meant to render ballistic missiles useless. It is the trump card of strategic deterrence. Yet it cannot deter North Korea from launching a “satellite.” It seems that North Korea will not cancel the launch, even as Japan positions itself for a shoot-down. It is because the approach is all wrong.

Support for America Is the Cause

Missile defense was developed by the United States. In 2001, President Bush announced the development of anti-ballistic missile capabilities to “protect our people from future terrorist or rogue state missile attacks.” However, fearing the potential of an American invasion, North Korea and Iran have accelerated their nuclear and missile research.

Former Vice-Minister of Defense Takemasa Moriya was the standard-bearer for the introduction of missile defense to Japan. In 2002, as the Director of the Defense Agency at the time, he said that “America will provide $10 trillion towards missile defense. As an allied nation, it is a matter of course to support them.”

The Self-Defense Force opposed this because of the pressure that such an expensive project will cause on the defense budget. Regardless, former Vice-Minister Moriya and Liberal Democratic Party Vice-President Taku Yamasaki pushed the military leadership aside. Moriya personally called the Prime Minister’s residence to make his case. In December 2003, the Koizumi cabinet decided to develop a missile defense system. The cabinet also revised the National Defense Program Outline, the nation’s security guideline, as it previously made no mention of missile defense. The military bureaucracy incited the politicians to stray away from civilian control of the armed forces. This, together with the policy to support America, is what caused the introduction of missile defense to Japan.

The cost of missile defense will surpass one trillion yen this year. Meanwhile, the United States, which paid for the majority of Japan’s system, is equipped with an interceptor missile of questionable accuracy and without clear contingency plans for facing multiple warheads, decoy warheads or a succession of missile launches. Consequently, Japan is alone in acquiring SM3 and PAC3 missiles in tandem.

There will be a double-layer of SM3s on the Aegis escort vessels with PAC3s intended to intercept missiles that may have slipped through. However, with only 28 PAC3 launchers placed in the Tokyo metropolitan area, the Central region and Northern Kyushu, there is very little that can be done if the 54 nuclear power plants that dot the Japanese islands are targeted.

Japan is most afraid of mid-range ballistic missiles, such as the “Scud-C missiles” that have a range of approximately 500 km or the Nodong missiles that have a range of 1,300 km. The most worrisome are not “satellites” or long-range missiles. The recent shoot-down order does not seem to take this into account.

Let us assume that the recent positioning of missile defense capabilities is to prepare against a “satellite” falling on Japan. The use of PAC3s in populated areas is something that even the United States does not have experience with. Would the fragments of the destroyed missile present a danger? Would the interceptor missiles even hit its target?

When asked if the PAC3 can really intercept a missile, Air Self-Defense Force Chief of Staff Haruhiko Kataoka only answered that “it depends on the missile’s flight path and the circumstances of impact.” The authorities must present the effectiveness of missile defense, if it is really intended to protect against the calamity of a missile striking Japan.

They Are Expecting an Overreaction

Will a shoot-down order be issued every time North Korea launches a “satellite”? It can be said with certainty that North Korea’s intention is to elicit an overreaction.

Once the cost-benefit of missile defense is analyzed, doubts that it’s useless are bound to arise.


長距離弾道ミサイルと同じ性能を持つ北朝鮮の「人工衛星」に対し政府は破壊措置命令を出した。自衛隊のミサイル防衛(MD)システムは有効なのか。
 破壊措置命令は二〇〇九年四月、北朝鮮が発射した長距離弾道ミサイルに続き、二度目である。北朝鮮が今月十二日から十六日の間に打ち上げると発表した「人工衛星」は、沖縄の先島諸島上空を通過するとされる。防衛省は沖縄本島、宮古島、石垣島へ地上発射型迎撃ミサイル「PAC3」を本土から海上輸送し、海上発射型迎撃ミサイル「SM3」を搭載するイージス護衛艦三隻を東シナ海と日本海に配備する。
◆破綻した抑止理論
 自衛隊がいない石垣島の一部住民は「将来の部隊配備を見越して市民の目を慣らす意図を感じる」と反発する。政府とすれば、MDシステムを保有している以上、落下の危険があれば破壊措置命令を出すべきで、〇九年に破壊措置命令を出したのだから今回も同じ対応をするという理屈なのだろう。
 北朝鮮の狙いは「人工衛星」の打ち上げによって、同じ性能を持つ長距離弾道ミサイルを完成させ、米国との交渉を有利に運ぶ材料にすると同時に日本の混乱を引き起こすことにあるとみられる。〇九年は日本政府が前日に「発射」を誤報して日本中が大騒ぎした。肝心の落下した場合の住民への通知は国と地方自治体が互いに押し付け合い、結局、放り出して終わった。
 MDシテスムとは、弾道ミサイル攻撃をしても意味がないと相手に思わせて、発射を思いとどまらせる「拒否的抑止」の切り札のはずだが、「人工衛星」というクセ球に抑止は効かせようがない。現に日本が迎撃態勢をとっても、北朝鮮は打ち上げをやめようとしない。筋違いの対応だからである。
◆原点は「対米支援」
 MDシステムは、米国で開発された。〇一年、採用を決めたブッシュ大統領は「ならず者国家のミサイル攻撃から国民を守る」と演説したが、米国の軍事侵攻を恐れた北朝鮮とイランはかえって核と弾道ミサイルの開発を加速させた。
 日本でMD導入の旗振り役を務めた守屋武昌元防衛事務次官(収賄罪などで服役中)は防衛局長だった〇二年、「米国は開発に十兆円投じた。同盟国として支援するのは当然だ」と語り、「対米支援」の側面を強調した。
 自衛隊は反対した。巨額の費用が防衛費を圧迫することが確実だったからである。渋る陸海空幹部を守屋元次官と親しい山崎拓自民党副総裁(当時)が説き伏せ、首相官邸への説明は元次官自らが出向いた。〇三年十二月、小泉内閣はMD導入を閣議決定したが、日本防衛の指針「防衛計画の大綱」で想定しておらず、大綱そのものが改定された。MD導入は、防衛官僚が政治家を誘導し、安全保障政策を左右する「文民統制の逸脱」と「対米支援」が原点といえる。
 防衛省がMD導入に投じた費用は本年度で一兆円を超える。その多くを受け取った米国では安定しない迎撃ミサイルの命中精度に加え、MD防衛網を打ち破る弾道ミサイルの複数弾頭化やおとり弾頭、ミサイル連射などの対抗策に有効な手を打ち出せないでいる。そんなありさまだから、SM3とPAC3を組み合わせて本格導入したのは日本だけである。
 イージス護衛艦のSM3で迎撃し、撃ち漏らしたらPAC3で対処する二段構えとはいえ、PAC3の発射機は首都圏、中部、北九州に置いてある二十八機だけ。北海道から九州まで五十四基もある原発を狙われたらひとたまりもないだろう。
 日本が警戒する北朝鮮の弾道ミサイルは、中距離弾道ミサイルの「スカッドC」(射程約五百キロ)と「ノドン」(同千三百キロ)であり、日本を飛び越える「人工衛星」や長距離弾道ミサイルではない。破壊措置命令は必要性を検証して出されたようにはみえない。
 仮に「人工衛星」の落下に備える災害対処の道具としよう。PAC3の「市街地での運用」は米国でさえ経験していない未知の分野である。迎撃に成功して破片が落下しても安全なのか、そもそも命中するのか不安が残る。
 「PAC3で迎撃できるか」と会見で問われた片岡晴彦航空幕僚長は「飛行経路、衝突の状況によって違う」と述べるにとどまった。災害対処なら、確実な効果を上げてもらわなければ困るのだ。
◆過剰反応は思うつぼ
 今後も北朝鮮が「人工衛星」打ち上げを予告するたび、破壊措置命令が発令されるのだろうか。過剰反応が北朝鮮の思うつぼであることだけは確かだろう。
 費用対効果を見極めれば、ミサイル防衛システムは「無用の長物」との疑いが浮上してしかるべきである。
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