Japanese-American Relationship Must Not Go Back to Square One

Published in Mainichi
(Japan) on 2 May 2012
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Sylvie Martlew. Edited by Katie Marinello.
Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda is finally paying a formal visit to the United States, almost three years after the last Japanese head of state to visit the White House, Taro Aso. The return to normality for Japanese-American relations is in itself positive, but there is not much more to this visit than simply getting out of the negatives and back up to zero.

The latest joint statement strives to reaffirm that the alliance between Japan and America is a cornerstone of the Asia-Pacific region, and talks about the establishment of a “dynamic defense alliance” to keep an eye on Chinese maritime advances. But given events such as Japan’s postponement of a decision over its participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, it is hard to say that sufficient developments have been made here. Rather than just restoring Japanese-American diplomatic relations from negative numbers to zero, we need a diplomatic effort to push them further into the positive spectrum.

Before the conference, the two governments released a joint document detailing the relocation of U.S. forces stationed in Japan. The initial statement regarding the relocation of the Futenma airbase to the Henoko ward in Nago City, Okinawa, stated, “it is the only viable option.” This has now been supplemented by the tentative qualifier, “…that we can identify at present.” Allegedly, other sites besides Henoko may still be considered.

Opposition in the U.S. Congress claims that the Henoko plan is not a realistic one. As Congress wields the power over the American national defense budget, its opinion cannot be ignored. This means that the implementation of the plan is now even more difficult.

But considering the firm demands of Okinawans to relocate the base outside the prefecture, we may not see any change to this complicated situation anytime soon. In a worst-case scenario, both governments will simply ignore the complex circumstances surrounding this problem, and stick to the Henoko plan. This would cause the issue to become stalled.

Regarding the relocation to Guam of U.S. Marines currently stationed in Okinawa, the joint document states that Japan will adhere to its 2009 agreement and cover up to $2.8 billion of the cost. This seems appropriate. Five U.S. military facilities and precincts south of Kadena Air Base are going to be returned to Japan in three steps. These measures will directly reduce the burden carried by Okinawa, and a clear deadline for their quick realization should be set.

In the three years that no formal dialogue took place between the Japanese and American administrations, Japan’s global position has changed a great deal. China has overtaken it as the world’s second-largest economy and South Korea has greatly improved its standing as an American ally. Vladimir Putin has been reinstated as president of Russia, while the new president of North Korea continues to fire ballistic missiles and taunt the world with its nuclear tests. Considering these circumstances, firm cooperation between Japan and the United States is especially necessary. But at present, it is not strong enough.

And the United States is not the only concern. With Golden Week* comes the China-Japan-South Korea trilateral leadership summit, followed by the G8 summit, and so on. Japan’s diplomatic abilities will continue to be put to the test on the international stage.

The world’s view of the Japanese government is critical. Even though the alliance between Japan and the U.S. is back on track for now, internal partisan disputes within the Japanese administration may end up reversing the progress that has been made. The prime minister and the other parties involved should strive for a government that is conscious of international opinion.


*Translator’s Note: A series of holidays in late April and early May


社説:日米同盟 元のもくあみにするな

 09年の麻生太郎首相以来ほぼ3年ぶり、民主党政権では3人目の野田佳彦首相でやっと実現した公式訪米である。日米首脳の対話が正常な軌道に戻ったこと自体は喜ばしいが、今回の訪米は、これまでのマイナスをゼロに戻したにすぎない。

 今回の共同声明では日米同盟がアジア太平洋の礎であることを再確認し、中国の海洋進出をにらんだ「動的防衛協力」の推進をうたった。その一方、環太平洋パートナーシップ協定(TPP)交渉参加については結論を先送りするなど、個別の懸案では十分な進展があったとは言いがたい。日米関係をマイナスからゼロに戻すだけでなく、さらにプラスに転じさせる外交努力が必要だ。

 首脳会談に先立ち、両政府は米軍再編見直しに関する共同文書を発表した。米軍普天間飛行場の沖縄県名護市辺野古への移設について「唯一の有効な解決策」という当初の表現の前に「これまでに特定された」と付け加えた。辺野古案以外の検討に含みを残したとの見方もある。

 辺野古案は現実的でないと主張する米議会の反発を受けた措置だ。国防予算の権限を持つ議会の意向を無視できないことを明らかにした今回の経緯は、同案の実現が一層、難しくなったことを意味している。

 「県外移設」を求める沖縄県の硬い姿勢を考えれば、辺野古移設が実現困難な情勢に変わりない。こうした事情を無視して辺野古案に固執する両政府の主張は普天間の固定化という最悪の事態を招くものだ。

 共同文書では在沖縄米海兵隊グアム移転費に関する日本の財政支出について、09年の協定通り28億ドルを上限とすることとした。おおむね妥当だ。嘉手納空軍基地以南の米軍の5施設・区域返還は3段階で実施することになった。沖縄の負担軽減に直結する措置であり、期限を明確にして早期実現を図るべきである。

 日米首脳の「公式対話」が不在だったこの3年間で、日本の周辺環境は様変わりした。中国は日本を抜いて世界第2の経済大国となり、韓国は米国の同盟国として存在感を高めた。ロシアはプーチン氏が大統領に復帰し、権力継承のあった北朝鮮は弾道ミサイル発射に続き、核実験を実施する構えを見せている。今ほど強固な日米の連携が必要な局面はない。

 日米だけではない。大型連休が明ければ日中韓首脳会談、主要8カ国(G8)首脳会議など、日本の外交力が問われる国際舞台が続く。

 日本の政治に対する世界の見方は厳しい。日米同盟を軌道に乗せかかっても、党内抗争で政権基盤が揺らぐようなら元のもくあみだ。国際的な視点も意識した政治を、首相だけでなく与野党双方に望みたい。
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