US-Russia Relations Aren’t Going to “Cool Down”

Published in Yahoo
(China) on 23 May 2012
by JinShen Wei (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Emily Zhang. Edited by .

Edited by Anita Dixon

 

 

 

 

About the author: JinShen Wei is a PhD at the Russian Research Center of Shanghai International Studies University.

As the G-8 Summit at Camp David wraps up, the question of whether U.S.-Russia relations will change has again become an important focal point of international politics. According to Xinhua News, President Vladimir Putin, who missed the G-8 Summit, wrote to President Barack Obama and expressed his views on the following issues: security affairs, bilateral relations and regional cooperation. The two presidents are scheduled to meet at the G-20 Summit next month.

Putin has become an expert on pragmatic foreign policy. Winning by surprise and developing new styles of foreign policy have always been Putin’s, as well as Russia’s, characteristics. Between G-8 and G-20, it seems Russia focuses more on its strategic positioning at G-20 than at G-8, because compared to the seven wealthy nations, Russia has little say. Therefore, Russia has very limited chances of bringing its influences into play. On the contrary, there might be voices against Russia. By comparison, Russia faces a very different situation at G-20; as the only representative of the former Soviet Union and the socialist Eastern bloc countries, it plays a vital and leading role in the establishment of a unified economic environment between Europe and Asia. Thus, it isn’t hard for us to understand why Putin, after another return to the presidency, chose to meet Obama at the G-20. It is also impossible for Russia to skip the U.S.—the major international rule maker—to implement its ideas on diplomatic strategies through international organizations. This year, the G-20’s main focuses are “restoring the world’s economic stability and growth, strengthening international financial institutions, and improving the world financial system, etc.” Russia, of course, wants to make recognizable contributions on all the topics.

On one hand, Russia’s “preference for the G-20 and distance with the G-8” shows that there are great differences in international politics between the two nations, as well as the G-8’s inability to solve the world’s economic problems. On the other hand, such preference further proves Russian leaders’ pragmatic practice of foreign policy, given that two countries have been seriously disputing over the European anti-missile plan, which Russia claims is a deadly threat to its strategic security.

Putin has always placed more emphasis on the increasingly important G-20, whose importance is further highlighted by the world economic crisis. Currently, G-20 is the world’s main economic body that coordinates economic policies, promotes adjustments of the international financial system, and stabilizes the world’s economy. The significance of the G-20 lies in the establishment of an international mechanism that provides solutions to world economic issues. Undoubtedly, Russia prefers the G-20, through which it will play a more important role.

During Putin’s two former presidencies and single term as prime minister, Russia actively adopted foreign policies focusing on its role in international organizations, striving for dominance. As a result, the policies themselves have evolved into a complete diplomatic strategic system. Putin, who returned to the presidency promising to bring miraculous changes to the Russian people, intends to make extensive and effective use of Russia’s role in important international organizations.

As for G-8, it also seems reasonable for the Prime Minister, Dmitri Medvedev, to attend on behalf of Putin. As the former Russian president, his appearance again symbolizes the continuation of Russia’s pragmatic foreign policy. Furthermore, Putin has never believed that Russia is a follower of the other seven G-8 members; he always fights for equal status. He places great emphasis on Russia’s stake in international matters and never makes compromises on issues involving Russia’s national interests. It is worth noting that the biggest differences between Russia’s foreign policy through its role in international organizations and that of the Soviet Union’s are that Russia has abandoned the traditional tactic of using ideology as a policy standard. Instead, Russia focuses on real issues, like Russia’s national interests and the establishment of Russia’s image as a major world power.

Regardless of the differences, the U.S. is still the major decisive factor in global politics, and the U.S.-Russia relationship remains one of the most important international bilateral relationships. In the words of Russia’s former Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov, “Today, there are no important global issues that can be solved without the involvement of Moscow and Washington, D.C.” So, Putin’s strategies for G-8 are only small episodes rather than “Cold War” signals of U.S.-Russia relations.




韦进深:俄美关系“冷”不起来
2012年5月23日08:50 新闻晨报 

作者为上海外国语大学俄罗斯研究中心博士

随着G8峰会在戴维营落下帷幕,俄美关系是否会发生变化,再次成为国际政治的重要关注点。据新华社报道,缺席G8的普京致信奥巴马,就安全事务、双边关系和地区合作阐述自己的观点。按照约定,两人将在下月举行的G20峰会上见面。

普京的实用主义外交战略早已得心应手。出其不意、独辟蹊径一直是普京,也是俄罗斯的一贯特点。相对于G8,俄罗斯对于自身在G20中的定位也许更加重视。因为在G8中,俄罗斯的话语权远不如其他七个富国,能够发挥的影响力十分有限。相反,也许还会出现排挤俄罗斯的声音。在G20就不同了,作为原苏东社会主义阵营国家的唯一代表,俄罗斯在建立欧亚统一的经济空间过程中能够起到非常重要的主导作用。由此不难理解重回总统宝座的普京何以要选择G20作为和奥巴马“约会”的场合——俄罗斯的国际组织外交战略构想的实现绕不开国际规则的主要制定者美国,而“恢复经济的稳定和增长,强化国际金融机构,改善世界金融体制”等问题将是此次G20峰会的主要议题,俄罗斯在这些问题上都很想有所作为。

俄罗斯“亲G20而远G8”的背后,一方面显示了俄美双方在国际政治议题上存在巨大的分歧以及G8在解决全球经济问题上的“回天乏术”,另一方面也显示了俄罗斯领导人在国际组织外交上的 “务实”。众所周知,因欧洲反导问题,俄美双方一直争执不断,俄罗斯将其视为对自身战略安全的严重威胁。

对于重要性不断上升的G20,普京一直都给予了足够重视。自经济危机爆发以来,G20集团的重要性凸显。目前已经成为国际社会协调各主要经济体经济政策、推动国际金融结构调整、稳定世界经济秩序的主要国际组织。G20峰会的意义在于建立一个解决世界经济问题的国际机制,俄罗斯当然希望在其中扮演更为关键的角色。

国际组织一直被视作实现俄罗斯国家梦想的重要途径。携“还你一个奇迹般的俄罗斯”回归的普京更是有意将俄罗斯国际组织外交传统发挥得更加充分和有效。在其前两任总统任期、一任总理任期期间,俄罗斯采取了积极参与、争取主导权力的国际组织外交政策,并形成了一个完整的外交战略体系。

至于G8,这次由梅德韦杰夫代替普京参加,似乎也有一部分合理性,因为梅德韦杰夫作为上一任国家首脑,的确具有政策的延续作用。但另一方面,普京从来都不认为俄罗斯是西方国家的追随者,而是积极争取与其他七国平等的地位。在八国集团内部重视俄罗斯的话语权,在涉及国家重大利益的问题上从不让步。普京此次缺席G8领导人峰会,即是这种国际组织外交思想的显现。需要指出的是,俄罗斯国际组织外交与苏联时期最大的不同在于摒弃了以意识形态为标准划线的传统做法,而是更加重视维护俄罗斯的国家利益,树立俄罗斯的大国形象。

然而,无论如何,美国依然是影响世界政治的举足轻重的因素,俄美关系仍然是国际关系中最重要的双边关系之一。俄美两国都有全球性利益,按照俄罗斯前外长伊万诺夫的说法,“今天,未必会有离开莫斯科和华盛顿的参与就能找到解决办法的重大世界问题。”因此,普京的做法更多的是俄美关系的“小插曲”,而不可能是俄美“冷战”的新标志。

(责任编辑:霍玉倩)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

Hot this week

Germany: Trump’s Peace Plan: Too Good To Be True

Germany: A Sensible Plan for Gaza*

Germany: The Main Thing Is That the War Stops

Poland: Democrats Have Found an Effective Way To Counter Trump*

Turkey: Cost of Trumping in the 21st Century: Tested in Europe, Isolated on Gaza

Topics

Poland: Democrats Have Found an Effective Way To Counter Trump*

Russia: Trump Essentially Begins a ‘Purge’ of Leftist Regimes in Latin America*

Mexico: Trump’s Climate Denialism vs. Reality

Turkey: Dismembering Syria, Bombing Gaza: Can Trump Finally Veto Neocons?

Sri Lanka: Israel-Hamas Truce: Trump’s Peace Push-Dividends or Deception?

Germany: Cooly Calculated: Trump Constructs Authoritarian Realities

Germany: The Main Thing Is That the War Stops

Germany: It’s Not Only Money That’s at Stake: It’s American Democracy

Related Articles

Thailand: Southeast Asia Amid the US-China Rift

Taiwan: Can Benefits from TikTok and Taiwan Be Evaluated the Same Way?

Singapore: TikTok Deal Would Be a Major Win for Trump, but Not in the Way You Might Expect

Pakistan: US Debt and Global Economy

Malaysia: The Tariff Trap: Why America’s Protectionist Gambit Only Tightens China’s Grip on Global Manufacturing