Can the US and the Philippines Achieve Their Goals in the South China Sea?

Published in People
(China) on 06 July 2012
by Xiaohui Su (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Yuxi Zhao . Edited by .

Edited by Katie Marinello

Although the Huangyan Island Incident hasn’t ended, Philippine politicians not only failed to restrain themselves from infuriating China, but also continuously declared Philippine sovereignty on the South China Sea. On the one hand, the Philippine president planned to invite America to deploy spy planes in the South China Sea. On the other, a Philippine senator proposed that America station troops on Huangyan Island and play as the “police,” monitoring military action in the area.

Since 2010, the Philippines has been in the “vanguard” of the sovereignty conflict in the South China Sea. Aside from continuously declaring its proposition on the South China Sea issue and purposely strengthening its military capability, the Philippines actively planned to get the U.S. and other powers involved in the conflict.

Last year, the Philippines asserted that the South China Sea is in line with American interests and suggested that American military forces be deployed in the South China Sea to protect the rights of small countries and help them resolve conflicts. Additionally, the Philippines joined with the U.S. in adding the South China Sea issue to the East Asian Summit. After the Huangyan Island Incident, the Philippines got closer to the U.S. For example, the Philippine president had a high-profile visit in America. Meanwhile, the U.S. and the Philippines have held “2+2” meetings of foreign ministers and defense ministers from both sides. The U.S. and the Philippines also held joint military exercises twice this year.

On the American side, the U.S. has declared clearly its “Asia-Pacific rebalancing” strategy, which aims to normalize China’s rise, reshape the Asian-Pacific order and regain the U.S.’ strategic advantages and dominance in the Asian-Pacific region. The “rebalancing” strategy focuses on promoting the U.S.’ military relations with its alliances and strengthening its military intervention capability. In terms of the South China Sea issue, the U.S. apparently asserts its hope to resolve the conflicts through a diplomatic approach, yet continuously broadens and deepens its “military cooperation” with countries like the Philippines, which declares its sovereignty in the South China Sea.

After the US-Philippines presidential meeting, the White House issued a statement declaring that America will assist the Philippines in improving its military capability and creating a “minimum credible defense posture” by increasing the U.S.-Philippines joint military exercises and training programs. Both sides also said that they will cooperate on strengthening the capability of the Philippines’ maritime security. The U.S. reasserted its commitment in the U.S.-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty for navigational freedom at sea and regional security. It also committed to giving another vessel to the Philippines.

The aforementioned dangerous signals have seriously influenced the peaceful settlement of the South China Sea disputes and the region’s stability. However, we should also see that the U.S. and the Philippines have a difficult time “hitting it off,” since multiple factors prevent the U.S. from explicitly standing by one side and even intervening in the South China Sea by military means, as the Philippines desires.

First, there are domestic resistances in the Philippines toward the strengthening of the U.S.-Philippines military relations. According to the Visiting Forces Agreement based on the U.S.-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty, American troops can have short-term military exercises in the Philippines. However, due to the high frequency of military exercises, “short-term exercises” has turned into a “long-term military existence” in the Philippines. Regarding the possible legitimacy of the long-term stay of American troops in the future, both average and elite Filipinos believe that it runs against the Philippines’ long-term interests to become a U.S. military ally against China and become involved in the U.S.-China disputes.

Moreover, the U.S. in the short-term has limited capability in the South China Sea disputes. Although American “Asia-Pacific Rebalancing Strategy” is designed to contain China, the U.S. currently has to concentrate on its domestic issues due to its high spending on overseas operations and the upcoming presidential election. The U.S. not only lacks the capability to launch another cold war with China, but also is unwilling to irritate China.

Therefore, a possible situation in the future will be the Philippines continuously testing China’s bottom line, intensely promoting U.S.-Philippines cooperation and even attracting other countries in dispute and powers outside the region to be involved in the South China Sea issue. Each country has its challenges, interests and concerns. These countries will thus stay calm and avoid military conflicts that fundamentally disturb the region’s stability. Whatever the situation, certain dangerous signals deserve to be paid attention to.


黄岩岛事件尚未平息,菲律宾政界非但没有保持克制,反而不断提高调门。菲总统甚至拟邀请美在南海部署侦察机,一名参议员甚至提议美在黄岩岛驻扎部队,充当“警察”监视地区军事行动。

  自2010年以来,菲律宾就一直扮演着争夺中国南海主权“急先锋”的角色。除了在南海问题上不断“示强”、有目的地加强自身军事力量外,菲还积极拉拢包括美在内的域外势力介入争端。

  去年,菲就曾宣扬南海问题涉及美利益,建议美在南海部署军事力量,以保护该地区弱小国家的权利,帮助解决争端。菲还不顾中国的强烈反对,与美一起极力推动将南海纳入东亚峰会议程。今年,黄岩岛事件以来,菲向美靠拢的趋势更为明显。菲总统高调访美,美菲举行了外长和防长“2+2”会谈。今年以来,美菲已举行两次联合军演。

  从美方来看,美已明确其“亚太再平衡”战略,其目标包括在“规范”中国走向的基础上重塑亚太秩序,谋取美在亚太地区的战略优势和主导权。“再平衡”的主要内容包括加强与盟友的军事关系及对地区的军事介入能力。南海问题上,美虽表示要推动外交解决,但在实际行动中不断拓展和深化同包括菲律宾在内的南海声索国的“军事合作”。

  美菲总统会谈后,白宫发表声明称,美将通过增加联合军演、训练项目等方式帮助菲提升军事水平,建立“最低限度的可靠防御能力”。“2+2”会谈后,双方表示将合作开展菲海上安全能力建设。美重申对《美菲共同防御条约》、海上航行自由和地区安全所做承诺,并承诺将向菲赠送第二艘军舰。

  上述危险信号严重干扰了南海问题的和平解决,也影响了地区形势的稳定。但我们同时看到,菲要美明确选边站、甚至动用军事手段介入南海问题受多重因素制约,美菲难以“一拍即合”。

  首先,菲国内对美菲军事关系加强存在抵触情绪。美菲根据《共同防御条约》签订的《来访部队协议》允许美军队在菲进行短期军事演习。但由于演习频率高,使得“短期演习”实质上变为“长期军事存在”。对于未来美军长期驻扎获得合法性的可能,菲国内民众和上层认为,菲与美结成针对中国的军事同盟,会使菲卷入美中两个大国的争斗,这不符合菲的长远利益。

  其次,短期内,美卷入亚洲海上争端的力度和深度有限。尽管美“再平衡”不乏遏制中国的考量,但美目前需投入大量精力应对国内问题,其正在进行的海外行动也所费颇高,加之大选因素的制约,美无力在亚洲发动针对中国的冷战,不愿引起中国的激烈反应。

  未来可能出现的情况是,菲继续试探中国底线,美菲在南海问题上不断加强合作,甚至吸纳其他声索国和域外势力介入。各国都有自己的难题,都有自己的利益和考量,相信,这些国家会保持适度克制,从根本上打破地区稳定的军事冲突有望避免。但无论如何,一些干扰信号值得警惕。
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