Secretary of State's Marks on Sino-US Relations

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 4 September 2012
by Wu Xinbo (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Meghan McGrath. Edited by .

Edited by Anita Dixon

During the course of the development of Sino-U.S. relations, the influence of the secretary of state's relationship with China seem subpar to past presidents' national security advisers, such as Henry Kissinger, Zbigniew Brzezinski, etc. The latter played an important role in icebreaking and normalization of Sino-U.S. relations. The former often had a negative effect on the development of relations between the two countries, such as the last-minute nitpicking of the negotiations of the Shanghai Communiqué by Nixon Secretary of State Rogers; the passive attitude toward the normalization of Sino-U.S. relations by Carter Secretary of State Vance; and Clinton Secretary of State Warren Christopher playing the human rights card against China. Obama Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will likely be no different.

During the first year of the Obama administration, U.S.-China relations experienced a "honeymoon period.” But officials from the White House National Security Council, as the U.S.-China policy initiative changed hands in the State Department, advocated actively for cooperation with China. Hillary Clinton and Assistant Secretary of State Campbell started handling Chinese policy; over the past year, they have left their distinctive mark on U.S.-Sino relations.

The first issue to take place in Sino-U.S. policy after the Obama administration took office was "positive cooperation.” In early 2011, Campbell publicly proposed a new U.S. policy concerning China; a policy that is "reality-based, focused on results and true to our principles and interests.” The essence of this new approach is that the U.S. cannot harbor illusions about China, and in dealings with China, the U.S. must actively pursue their own objectives. Also, the U.S. must not sacrifice its own principles (such as human rights) and interests (such as the issue of arms sales with Taiwan) for the sake of maintaining good relations with China.

The second change relates to the atmosphere of mutual distrust between China and the United States, following the destruction of their bilateral relationship. Hillary Clinton, during her first visit to China as secretary of state, transmitted a feeling of “solidarity” (idiom: To cross a river in the same boat) and good faith in order to get a positive response from China. However, after 2010, Hillary Clinton changed the U.S. policy to "return to the Asia-Pacific" and began to vigorously promote the courting of China's neighboring nations. This put pressure on China, and coupled with the United States’ face-to-face approach to Sino-U.S. relations, the atmosphere between the two countries quickly became negative and filled with suspicion.

The third change was to reverse the direction of bilateral relations. Originally, due to the impact of the financial crisis, with the U.S. and world economy trying to recover, global governance pushed toward China, in need of China. To deepen cooperation with China, there was even a consensus between the U.S. Democratic and Republican parties. However, disturbed by the rapid rise of Chinese power, a number of American political elite, headed by Hillary Clinton, looked to balance the power of China. Relations between the two countries surged in a competitive manner, causing the world to worry about Sino-U.S. strategic confrontation.

Not only that but, whether in the form of scathing remarks towards China, sowing discord among China's neighbors or going to Africa to make oblique accusations (idiom: To refer to the mulberry while cursing at the locust), non-career diplomat Hillary Clinton’s outrageous words and deeds have caused strain on Sino-U.S. relations.

We cannot ask every American official to be "friendly" to China. Hillary is good, as is Campbell; they are handling relations with China based on their own beliefs and understanding of the interests of the United States. We cannot blame them. Those who have made a positive contribution to Sino-U.S. relations leave a lasting impression on the minds of the Chinese people; those who are troublemakers become a part of our long experience. The future big developments in Sino-U.S. relations will not be disturbed by a few troublemakers.


在中美关系的发展历程中,国务卿对华关系的影响力似乎不如总统国家安全事务顾问,像基辛格、布热津斯基等。后者都在中美关系破冰和正常化过程中发挥过重要作用,而前者常对两国关系的发展起消极作用,如尼克松的国务卿罗杰斯在中美《上海公报》谈判的最后一刻挑刺,卡特的国务卿万斯消极对待中美关系正常化,克林顿的国务卿克里斯托弗对华大打人权牌等,而奥巴马的国务卿希拉里无疑也是这样一个角色。

  奥巴马政府第一年,美中关系经历了“蜜月期”。但随着美对华政策主导权从白宫国家安全委员会易手于国务院,主张积极发展对华合作的官员纷纷离开,希拉里和助理国务卿坎贝尔开始主导对华政策,于是过去一年多的美中关系留下了他们的鲜明烙印。

  首先是改变了奥巴马政府上任初期“积极、合作”对华政策的基本态势。到了2011年初,坎贝尔公开提出美国对华政策的新方针,即“基于现实,关注结果,忠于我们的原则和利益”。这个新方针的要义是,对中国不能抱有幻想,在对华交往中要积极追求实现美国的政策目标,不能为了搞好对华关系而牺牲美国的原则(如人权问题)和利益(如对台军售问题)等。


  其次是破坏了两国关系的气氛,加剧了两国间的互不信任。希拉里担任国务卿后首次访华,一句“同舟共济”传递了奥巴马政府对华政策的善意,得到中方的正面回应。然而,2010年以后,希拉里对美国“重返亚太”的大力推动,对中国周边国家的积极拉拢,在言辞和行动上向中国施加的种种压力,加上当面一套背后一套的手法,使两国关系迅速被消极和猜疑的气氛所笼罩。

  第三是扭转了两国关系的发展方向。本来,在经历了金融危机的冲击后,美国和世界经济的复苏、全球治理的推进,都需要中国,深化与中国合作在美国民主、共和两党之间存在共识。然而,对中国力量迅速上升的不安,使以希拉里为首的一批美国政治精英谋求制衡中国,两国关系中竞争因素大幅上升,引发世人对中美走向战略对抗的担心。

  不仅如此,无论是以尖刻的言辞评论中国,还是在中国周边挑拨离间,抑或跑到非洲指桑骂槐,作为非职业外交官的希拉里在中美关系上的出格言行也令世人印象深刻。

  我们不能要求每个美国官员都对华“友好”。希拉里也好,坎贝尔也好,都是基于他们自己的信念和对美国利益的理解来处理对华关系的,不必苛求和责备他们。那些为中美关系做出过积极贡献的人士会让中国人铭记,那些麻烦制造者也令我们长了见识,而中美关系发展的大趋势不会因某些人的捣乱而改变。
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