Consider this sentence: “Barack Obama can make the call to kill bin Laden, but lacks the power to modernize the railway network.” The absurdity is pointed out by Sylvie Kauffmann, in an article that Le Monde has republished in a magazine entitled “Obama’s America.”
This is a perfect example of how the power of the American president is felt all throughout the world, but falters inside his own borders, because Republicans keep boycotting his initiatives. If Congressman Allen West accuses the Democrat of imitating the Soviet Union, others feed conspiracy theories that declare Obama a communist agent or, due to his Kenyan father, a crypto-Muslim.
The analysis made by the ex-managing editor of Le Monde is based upon her experience in New York and Washington. And seeing as she was, previously, a correspondent in the Soviet Union, it is significant that she identifies the problems in the United States not as socialist leanings, but as right-wing fundamentalism. In its wrath against government, the most conservative wing of the Republican Party vehemently opposes any investment in roads or railways, schools or hospitals, medical research or in the fight against global warming, but becomes as quiet as mice when military spending is brought up. It finds itself equally mute in the face of rising inequality. In 1970, a manager’s income was 40 times greater than the income of your average worker. As Kauffman points out, that income disparity has increased by a factor of 10 — managerial incomes are now 400 times greater than worker incomes.
Credit should be given to what the French have to say about America: French General Lafayette did help George Washington seize independence from the British after all; and Tocqueville was the first to explain the new country, in his “Democracy in America.”
There’s a certain decline which — they emphasize — is the fault of others. China’s rise will, by itself, bring about the end of the United States as the foremost economic world power within a decade. But America can still count on the dollar’s prestige, the best universities can still be found within its borders and, as Apple shows us, the U.S.’s inventive spirit is unbeatable. The French also acknowledge cultural diversity as a trump card.
What, then, is failing in America? The answer is: the Republican Party, which no longer bears any resemblance to the party of Lincoln, Teddy Roosevelt or Bush, Senior. Moderates, such as Senator Olympia Snowe, are harassed. From over 200 of the party’s congressmen, only Joseph Cao voted in favor of the healthcare reform bill proposed by Obama. And Mitt Romney, who as governor of Massachusetts anticipated the President’s ideas, promises to repeal all of it if he wins the White House on Nov. 6.
The Republican candidate is indefensible. He was a Mormon missionary in France, and he might even read Le Monde, but he betrayed his past as an enlightened conservative to please those who, during the years of Bush, Junior, were upset by French criticism of the invasion of Iraq and rechristened “French fries” as “freedom fries.”
If things keep going this way, America is done for.
Repare nesta frase: "Barack Obama pode decidir mandar matar Ben Laden, mas não tem meios para modernizar a rede ferroviária." Quem chama a atenção para o absurdo é Sylvie Kauffmann, num artigo que o Le Monde agora republica na revista A América de Obama.
O exemplo é perfeito para mostrar como o poderio do Presidente americano se sente mundo fora, mas fraqueja dentro de fronteiras, porque os republicanos boicotam as suas iniciativas. Se o congressista Allen West acusa o democrata de imitar a União Soviética, outros alimentam as teorias da conspiração que fazem de Obama um agente comunista ou, por causa do pai queniano, um criptomuçulmano.
A análise da ex-chefe de redação do Le Monde bebe da sua experiência em Nova Iorque e Washington. E como antes foi correspondente na União Soviética, é significativo que não identifique os problemas dos Estados Unidos com tentações socializantes, mas com o fundamentalismo da direita. Na fúria contra o Governo, a ala mais conservadora dos republicanos opõe-se a que se invista em estradas ou caminhos de ferro, em escolas ou hospitais, na investigação médica ou no combate ao aquecimento, mas cala-se quanto aos gastos militares. E fica também muda perante o aumento das desigualdades, com a diferença salarial entre um administrador e um trabalhador a passar de 40 vezes em 1970 para 400 vezes hoje, como nota Kauffmann.
Dêmos crédito ao que os franceses dizem da América: o general Lafayette ajudou George Washington a arrancar a independência aos britânicos; e Tocqueville foi o primeiro a explicar o novo país através do seu Da Democracia na América.
Há um certo declínio que é culpa de outros, sublinham. Só por si a emergência da China trará o fim dos Estados Unidos como primeira potência económica no espaço de uma década. Mas a América conta com o prestígio do dólar, as melhores universidades continuam a ser as suas e o espírito inventivo mantém-se imbatível como mostra a Apple. Trunfo é ainda a diversidade cultural, reconhecem os franceses.
Então o que falha na América? O Partido Republicano, que nada tem que ver já com Lincoln, Teddy Roosevelt ou Bush pai. Moderados como a senadora Olympia Snowe são hostilizados. Em mais de 200 congressistas do partido só Joseph Cao votou pela reforma da Saúde proposta por Obama. E Mitt Romney, que como governador do Massachusetts antecipou as ideias do Presidente, promete revogar tudo se a 6 de novembro ganhar a Casa Branca.
Não tem desculpa o candidato republicano. Foi missionário mórmon em França e até pode ler o Le Monde. Mas traiu o seu passado de conservador esclarecido para agradar agora àqueles que na era de Bush filho, irritados com a crítica francesa à invasão do Iraque, até rebatizaram as "french fries" de "freedom fries".
Assim a América está frita.
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The madness lies in asserting something ... contrary to all evidence and intelligence. The method is doing it again and again, relentlessly, at full volume ... This is how Trump became president twice.
The madness lies in asserting something ... contrary to all evidence and intelligence. The method is doing it again and again, relentlessly, at full volume ... This is how Trump became president twice.
The economic liberalism that the world took for granted has given way to the White House’s attempt to gain sectarian control over institutions, as well as government intervention into private companies,
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