China and the US: Urgent Need for Cooperation

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 4 March 2013
by Yuan Peng (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Kim Wang. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
On the 41st anniversary of the Sino-American communique, the two countries have elected new leadership, and are entering into a new type of power relationship.

Over the past four years, the strengths of each opposing political climate, the “mutual trust deficit,” the “new Cold War” and “strategic encirclement” have become the new buzzwords to describe U.S.-China relations. As Obama's second term as president began, U.S. policy seemed to show signs of positive change. In his inaugural speech and State of the Union address, Obama focused on stability in Sino-American relations as a goal to focus on during the next four years. Obama appointed John Kerry and Chuck Hagel to the cabinet as secretaries of state and defense, which shifts the attitude towards China to be more moderate, balanced and objective. Recently, Shinzo Abe left the United States empty-handed, which indicates that the United States has begun to reflect on their Asia-Pacific strategy and of “rebalancing growth.”

These changes obviously indicate progress but ultimately are not sufficient. In order to achieve strategic stability between the United States and China, we must have the boldness to shut down outdated authorities and replace them with new ones. Currently, there are three major problems that need to be resolved.

I. Establishing New Developmental Frameworks

Over the past 40 years, China and the United States have formed entirely different civilizations and societal structures, achieving a remarkable type of peaceful coexistence between the two great world powers. Considering the decision-making nature of the two countries and the desire to want to make “qualitative change,” however, the current framework maintaining the relationship remains inadequate. Economic and trade relations, for example, were previously naturally complementary and reciprocal. After substantial economic development on both sides, however, the complementary nature of the relationship has weakened while competitiveness has been strengthened, making eventual conflict inevitable — the need for new regulations is therefore essential. In another example, the problems that arose from the U.S. selling firearms to Taiwan have their origins in the relationship between the U.S. and China established during the Cold War. As trading has shifted, the relations between the U.S. and China and the U.S. and Taiwan have undergone historic changes. The impact of the Taiwan arms sales issue on the tripartite relation necessitates reviewing of regulations; forms of interaction like the Internet, the seas and others have not had sufficient attention paid to them in light of this issue, and thus both sides need to increase their emphasis on establishing new regulations.

Chinese leaders have put forth the idea of building a new type of relationship between the two great world powers, sending the message that China hopes for a peaceful coexistence with the United States, from which they can both derive mutual benefits and respect each other, instead of running into conflict and confrontations that would result from being enemies. Although this resonated positively with the U.S. government, they have, as a whole, responded with ambivalence. In essence, the world leader that is the United States has found it difficult to conceive of a shared future with China.

The new framework between the relationship must respect the interests of both countries, identify and prioritize common interests and emphasis the improvement of political, economic, military, security and cultural interactions. Common interests should be prioritized, which should be based on shared responsibility and common values. Specifically, the two countries should aim to achieve long-term strategic stability in their construction of the new relationship between the major powers. China and the United States should also create cooperation from their competition and aim overall for healthy competition. Both countries must establish that constructive cooperation is to remain the most important goal, and must not let domestic politics and “third party" factors interfere.

II. Seeking an Interactive New Path

Considering the U.S. strategy of “returning to Asia” and the fact that China is on the rise, the strategic situation in the Asia-Pacific region that has lasted for centuries is being completely revamped. This trend has made Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines and other countries restless. But in the end, peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region depends mostly on the relationship between the United States and China. Therefore, establishing benign interaction with the Asia-Pacific region is urgently necessary.

The relationship between China and the United States in the Asia-Pacific strategic game appears at first tense and difficult to understand, but in actuality, both countries are fully equipped to achieve peaceful cooperation. First of all, there are no disputes over the sovereignty of territories or waters and no deeply-rooted historical grievances, which represent important prerequisites for peaceful coexistence. Secondly, the two countries both have various advantages in the Asia-Pacific region: the U.S. with military and security based advantages, and China with economic and cultural advantages. Each of these merits is difficult to quickly replace. Therefore, third parties cannot simply make a choice between the two, instead taking the best of each world — relying on America's so-called “security,” China's economy and its own government. This peculiarity prevents the formation of a bipolar structure between China and the United States in the Asia-Pacific region, and promotes the idea of China and the United States reflecting together to build mutual tolerance and a peaceful coexistence. Ultimately, cooperation between China and the United States will help to offset conflict in the Asia-Pacific region and in other areas of the world.

In the author's opinion, the two countries need to work together to tackle the so-called “12345” issue. “One” refers to resolving the fundamental issue of power struggle in the Asia-Pacific region; “two” refers to the two different China-U.S. security and trade system issues; “three” refers to the East China Sea, crisis management of its waters and the Taiwan strait; “four” refers to promoting cooperation with four important trilateral relationships: U.S./China/Japan, U.S./China/Russia, U.S./China/India and U.S./China/Australia; “five” refers to the strategic communication and coordination between the East Asia Summit, APEC, TPP, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the formation of a Northeast Asian Security Cooperation.

III. Rebuilding a New Peace Foundation

The United States and China, two extremely different but powerful countries that have been in peaceful co-existence for 40 years, have always had a common strategic foundation. The Cold War threatened this peace, but the end of the war united common economic interests. Ten years after the 9/11 incident, the U.S. and China now share common economic interests and cooperate in counter-terrorism. Now, however, the old basis has seemed to lessen in relevancy and a new foundation is still looking to be established. During such a unique period of time, the overall relationship between the United States and China remains vulnerable to eventual individual contingencies that could reverse the situation entirely. Therefore, it is necessary to establish this new foundation as soon as possible, in order to ensure a new era of peaceful coexistence.

Between China and the United States in today's globalized, polarized world, forming a single foundation similar to that used to deal with the Soviet threat during the Cold War is entirely possible, but needs to specifically be addressed toward issues including recovery, reinforcing economic and trade interests and forming a mutually-beneficial economic and trade relationship. It also must address global problems like climate change, energy, natural resources, overpopulation, the environment, global governance and seeking a “common problem” in order to unite and create traction for the new cooperation. In the current changing international system, the world must unite to jointly bear the responsibility of the most powerful countries in order to form a new international order. Through communication by air, earth, sea, the Internet and so forth, the “global public domain” must strengthen dialogue and communication, forming a new “destiny” for the better good of all, and build a new code of conduct based on common interests. In short, we must establish a truly strategic mutual trust between China and the United States. Although this is a process that may not be easy to accomplish, it is imperative for both sides to cultivate mutual cooperation.


签署41周年之际,两国先后选举产生新一届领导班子,中美关系也在步入新的历史时期。

  过去四年,中美彼此对立的政治气氛浓厚,“互信赤字”、“新冷战”、“战略包围圈”等渐成描述中美关系的热门词汇。奥巴马第二任期伊始,美国对华政策似乎出现某些积极变化的苗头。从其就职演说和国情咨文看,奥巴马把重点放在国内,稳定中美关系符合其未来四年的战略追求。而奥巴马启用的重臣克里和哈格尔,其一贯言论和对华态度都较其前任更为温和、平衡、客观。近期,安倍赴美空手而归,表明美国国内反思亚太战略“再平衡”的理性力量在增长。

  上述变化固然可喜,但却远远不够。要使中美关系真正实现战略稳定,必须有破旧局、开新局的气魄,当前有三大难题亟待破解。

  第一,确立发展新框架


  过去40年,中美开创了不同文明、不同社会制度、不同发展阶段的两个大国之间和平共处的新篇章,这是非常了不起的成就。但是,随着两国力量对比、决策环境及关系性质的“部分质变”,支撑两国关系的既有框架已不敷所需。比如,以前两国经贸关系是天然的互补型,现在随着双方同步转变经济发展方式,经贸关系的互补性在弱化,竞争性在加强,摩擦冲突在所难免,因此需要新的游戏规则加以规范;再比如,美国对台军售问题是中美两国在冷战状态下实现关系正常化后相互妥协的结果,如今世易时移,中美、美台、两岸关系都发生历史性变化,影响三方关系良性互动的军售问题到了重新检讨的时候;网络、海洋等以前重视不够的问题现在也需要双方加大重视、确立新规。

  中国领导人提出构建新型大国关系,其传递的核心信息是:中国希望同美国和平共处、相互尊重、互利共赢,不希望冲突、对抗、相互为敌。美国高层虽然对此有积极呼应,但整体表现出“欲迎还拒”的矛盾心态。究其根本,在于自诩为世界领导的美国难以放下身段与作为后兴大国的中国共同思考未来。

  中美关系新框架的根基应是彼此尊重各自核心利益;底座是确定新时期共同利益;支柱则是政治、经济、军事、安全、人文等多层次互动机制的完善与深化;顶端是在共同利益基础上探索共同责任及共通价值。具体言之,两国关系所追求的目标,应是在“新型大国关系”的构建中实现长期战略稳定;两国关系所应有的状态,是在“竞争与合作”交织中扩大合作、管控危机、良性竞争;两国关系应确立的底线,则是始终保持建设性合作的主轴,不为国内政治和国际上的“第三方”因素绑架。

  第二,寻求互动新路径

  美国战略“重返”,中国强势崛起,中美两强并立亚太,正在改写亚太地区百年来的战略格局。这一态势引发日本、越南、菲律宾等国的战略躁动。但归根到底,亚太的和平稳定主要取决于中美关系的。因此,尽快确立亚太良性互动路线图十分必要和紧迫。

  事实上,中美目前在亚太的战略博弈看似紧张难解,但完全具备转寰的条件,实现良性互动是可以期待的。首先,两国不存在领土、领海等主权争端,也没有根深蒂固的历史积怨,这是和平共处的重要前提;其次,两国在亚太各具优势,美国有军事安全优势,中国有经济文化优势,彼此优势短期内难以替代或转化,区域内“第三方”无法在中美之间做非此即彼的选择,只能是各取所需,左右逢源,所谓“安全上靠美、经济上靠中、政治上靠己”。这一特殊性有助于避免中美在亚太形成两极格局,只能促使中美共同思考建设相互包容、和平共处、中美邻三赢的亚太新格局;再次,中美两国在全球其他地域和领域的合作有助于抵消在亚太的“短兵相接”。

  在笔者看来,两国应共同思考所谓“一二三四五”问题。“一”指的是共同面对并破解亚太地区主导权这一根本性问题;“二”指的是中美两套不同的安全与经贸体系的对接问题;“三”指的是对东海、南海、台海三大海域的危机管理;“四”指的是处理好中美日、中美俄、中美印、中美澳等四个重要三边关系的良性互动;“五”指的是在东亚峰会、APEC、TPP、“上海合作组织”及酝酿中的东北亚安全合作机制等五个重要多边组织或机制中的战略沟通与协调。

  第三,重筑和平新基础

  中美两个如此截然不同的大国能够和平共处40年,在于始终拥有共同的战略基础。冷战时期是共同的威胁,后冷战时期是共同的经贸利益,“911事件”后的10年则拥有共同的经贸利益和合作反恐“双引擎”。现在的情况是,旧有基础或者消失或者松动,新的基础仍在寻觅尚待建立。这样一种特殊状态下,两国关系大局极易因个别偶发事件而发生逆转。因此,尽快确立新时期两国和平共处的新基础十分必要。

  在全球化、多极化的当今世界,中美之间要想形成类似冷战时共同对付苏联威胁的单一厚重基础恐不现实,但针对不同问题形成多个合作支点则完全可能。包括:修补、夯实经贸利益基础,形成更高层次、更高水平的新型经贸互利关系;针对气候变化、能源、资源、人口、环境、全球治理等全球性问题,形成以“共同问题”为牵引的新的合作基础;在国际体系变迁的大时代,共同承担大国责任,同他国一道共创新的国际秩序;在海、空、天、网等“全球公域”加强对话沟通,形成“命运共同体”和“利害共同体”,共建新的行为准则。总之,中美之间要建立起真正的战略互信虽然不易,但双方培植“合作的习惯”则势在必行。
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