An Analysis of Affairs on the Korean Peninsula

Published in Ta Kung Pao
(Hong Kong) on 14 March 2013
by Yan Jing (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Heather Martin.
Recently, tensions on the Korean Peninsula have escalated with no clear end in sight. On March 7, just as the U.N. Security Council passed its third resolution tightening sanctions against North Korea in response to a nuclear test, the North Korean Foreign Ministry issued a statement claiming that a second Korean War was unavoidable and that it had already made all necessary preparations. Previously, on March 5 the North Korean National Defense Commission declared that effective March 11, when the U.S. and South Korea were set to carry out a joint military exercise, North Korea would no longer recognize nor be restrained by the Korean Armistice Agreement. It further stated that it would have the right to adopt any measures to protect itself, and would attack Seoul and the "strongholds of the aggressors." Under these circumstances, it is impossible for the international community not to take a serious view of developments on the Korean Peninsula.

North Korea's Show of Strength a Bid To Increase Leverage

The Korean Peninsula currently exists in a state of truce, and any talk of peace and stability is all relative, fragile and requires all states involved to uphold it well. As we all know, in the beginning of the 1950s, a war broke out between North and South on the Korean Peninsula. The U.S. spearheaded the formation of the United Nations Command and joined the war, and when bordering China was threatened, it dispatched the People's Volunteer Army to "oppose the U.S. and aid North Korea"; the war ultimately lasted for over three years. On July 27, 1953, after two years of negotiations, China and North Korea on one side and the predominantly U.S.-United Nations Command on the other signed the Korean Armistice Agreement to end the war. In the past few decades, there has been constant friction between North and South Korea. The overall situation, however, has remained relatively stable in accordance with the ceasefire agreement, without the occurrence of major incidents or extended conflict.

Of course, we have seen global circumstances change considerably compared to the year in which the truce was signed, and the implications of the agreement have also evolved. Per North Korea's request, representatives from Poland and Bulgaria, who previously served as members of the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission for China and North Korea, have long since withdrawn.* The remainder of China's People's Volunteer Army stationed at the liaison office in Kaesong has also pulled out. North Korea has made repeated calls in the past for the signing of a peace agreement with the U.S. to replace the armistice in order to protect peace and security on the Korean Peninsula. This proposal has received China's support. However, because relations between North Korea and the U.S. have not fundamentally improved, the signing of a peace accord to replace the truce has been delayed continuously and remains an important topic to protect the peace and stability of the peninsula still awaiting resolution.

This is not the first time that North Korea has declared that it will no longer recognize the armistice, nor the first time that it has declared that it will turn Seoul into a "sea of fire." The only difference is that this time, it has tacked on a statement regarding the "stronghold of aggressors," flexing the power gained from its nuclear test not long ago. However, it is my belief that North Korea cannot be unaware of the fact that using these means cannot resolve the problem of peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula, nor can they improve relations with the U.S. These hardline statements were issued just as the U.N. Security Council was preparing to pass a resolution on sanctions and also just as large-scale U.S.-South Korean joint military exercises were set to commence. In my view, this was done largely in order to present a strong image toward the U.S. and South Korea, as well as to indicate that North Korea will not submit to threats of violence or pressure. At the same time, we cannot eliminate the possibility that it is increasing its bargaining power with an eye to future diplomatic talks.

War Is in Nobody's Interest

As to the U.N. Security Council's resolution on sanctions, it was a response to the nuclear test done in violation of a Security Council resolution by North Korea, a member state of the U.N., and was a necessary step to take. The breadth of sanctions has increased somewhat, primarily aimed toward preventing North Korea from staging another nuclear test. As a member of the U.N. Security Council, during deliberations China explicitly pressed for moderation when imposing sanctions, as well as caution so as not to have a negative effect on the development of the North Korean economy, the lives of its citizens or peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. China has done its utmost in this regard.

With respect to the state of affairs on the Korean Peninsula, I remember that when Deng Xiaoping was still alive, he said that at the time the Korean Peninsula was not in a state of war. I believe that this assessment is still applicable today. Of course, the situation stands on a razor's edge. If either side loses its head, it may spark a war. However, this is something we are not willing to see come to pass, as the outcome will not be beneficial to any party. In modern society, the resolution of international disputes, including realizing the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and the signing of a peace treaty in place of the armistice, must be obtained through diplomatic channels, dialogue and negotiation. Regardless of what circumstances may arise, when facing complex and sensitive situations, calmness and rationality must prevail at all times; this is vital above all else.

The author is a former senior diplomat and ambassador of China.

*Translator’s note: Czechoslovakia, not Bulgaria, was one of the original neutral nations.


  近来朝鲜半岛局势紧张有增无已。3月7日,在联合国安理会通过对朝鲜第三次核试进行制裁决议的同时,朝鲜外务省发表声明称,第二次朝鲜战争难以避免,朝鲜对此已经作好准备。此前3月5日,朝鲜国防委员会发表声明,表示自美韩3月11日举行联合军事演习之日起,朝鲜将不再承认《朝鲜停战协定》,不受它的约束,有权采取任何自卫措施,袭击首尔和侵略者的老巢。在此情况下,朝鲜半岛局势的发展和走向,不能不引起国际社会的严重关注。

  朝示强为谈判增筹码

  朝鲜半岛目前处於停战状态,从根本上讲和平稳定是相对的、脆弱的,需要有关各国很好维护。众所周知,上世纪50年代初,朝鲜半岛南北之间曾爆发一场战争,美国牵头组成“联合国军”参战,中国在边境受到威胁时派出志愿军“抗美援朝”,战争持续了三年多。1953年7月27日,经过两年谈判,以朝中方面为一方和以美国为首的“联合国军”为另一方签署《朝鲜停战协定》,结束了这场战争。过去几十年,朝鲜半岛南北之间摩擦不断,但整个局势依据停战协定维持相对稳定,没有发生大的事端和战乱。

  当然,我们也看到,与签署《停战协定》当年相比,国际形势发生了很大变化,协定内涵也与当年产生了不同。应朝鲜方面要求,曾经作为朝中方面的中立国监察委员会成员波兰和保加利亚代表早已撤出,中国人民志愿军驻开城联络处也已撤离。朝鲜曾多次呼吁,朝鲜和美国之间签署和平协定,取代停战协定,以维护朝鲜半岛的和平和安全。这一倡议得到中国的支持。但是由於朝美关系没有根本改善,签署和平协定取代停战协定一直拖延至今,仍是维护朝鲜半岛和平稳定有待解决的一个重要课题。

  朝鲜声言不承认《朝鲜停战协定》已不是第一次,声言要把首尔变成火海也不是第一次,只不过这次加上了“侵略者老巢”,显示其不久前进行的核武器的威力。但是我想,朝鲜也不可能不知道,用这种办法是解决不了朝鲜半岛的和平与稳定问题的,也解决不了朝美关系的改善问题。这种强硬的言辞恰恰是在联合国安理会制裁决议即将通过之时发表,在美韩大规模联合军事演习即将开始之时出现,我想,很大程度上是对美韩作出的强硬姿态,显示朝鲜不畏强暴,不屈服於压力。同时也不排除是在为今後的外交谈判增加筹码。

  动武对哪一方都不好

  至於联合国安理会制裁决议,那是因为朝鲜作为联合国成员国进行核子试验,违背了安理会的有关决议,是必然要走的一步。制裁的内容有所增加,主要是为了阻止朝鲜再次进行核子试验。中国作为联合国安理会成员,在讨论过程中,明确主张制裁要适度、慎重,不要影响朝鲜发展经济,改善民生;不要影响朝鲜半岛的和平与稳定。中国为此尽了最大的努力。

  关於朝鲜半岛形势,记得邓小平在世时曾经说过,现在朝鲜半岛不是打仗的形势。我想这一判断今天仍然适用。当然,朝鲜半岛局势敏锐,如果任何一方失去理智,就可能擦枪走火,但这是我们不愿看到的,其结果也不会给任何一方带来好处。当今社会国际 争端,包括实现朝鲜半岛无核化和签署和平协定取代停战协定等问题,还是要通过外交途径,采取对话和协商的办法求得解决。无论出现什麽情况,面对复杂敏感的局势,都不能失去冷静,不能失去理智,这是至关重要的。

  作者:延静 为原中国资深外交官、驻外大使
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