Republicans Make Madness Their Method
Published in der Tagesspiegel
(Germany) on 1 October 2013
by Christoph von Marschall (link to original)
(Germany) on 1 October 2013
by Christoph von Marschall (link to original)
Translated from
by Ron Argentati.
Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
Every few months, right-wing Republicans in the United States misuse budget law. In Germany, some are concerned whether something similar would be possible here regarding the debt ceiling. But there's a lot to the “government shutdown” that is uniquely American.
In the United States, madness has been transformed into method by Republicans who misuse congressional budget law in order to blackmail the Obama administration. Whenever the White House needs money, the conservative majority in the House of Representatives deny the requests unless Obama caves into its ultimatums. The right wing is demonstrating its disrespect for national interests. In the wake of a similar phony budget crisis in the summer of 2011, the United States lost its AAA credit rating and markets nosedived. The House also shows no respect for the rules of a democracy.
Now they want to close down the government in an attempt to torpedo Obama's health care reform — despite the fact it was properly and legally enacted in 2010.
Madness Becomes the Method
Most Germans are now truly puzzled. How can madness become method in a nation that leads the world technologically and economically, and is considered the global cultural trend setter? How can the “radicalinskis” wield such power? They make up only one-fifth of House members. People here anxiously ask whether a similar dynamic might be possible in Germany the next time the debt ceiling is reached. Would “American conditions” apply here when German federal and state governments have exhausted all their funds but are unable to take on new debt?
However, many causes of a government shutdown in the United States are peculiarly American. The deep ideological split running through the middle of U.S. society and the maneuverability of electoral districts via gerrymandering are examples. Tea party adherents care little about the nation and the Republican Party itself if paralyzing both plays well with and unites their own constituents. This blockade will not be easily overcome. First of all, two more opportunities for battle are rapidly approaching: The start of the new fiscal year on Oct. 1 and the debt ceiling deadline shortly thereafter. In addition, both opponents share at least one goal — weakening the Republican leadership in Congress.
Obama's Trial by Fire
Obama deserves criticism. He lacks leadership, but now he can show some strength by standing up to the blackmailers and their demands — and he can do so without great personal risk. His health care reform may still be unpopular, but a majority of Americans also think it's not right to try to scuttle it by tampering with the budget. The tea party, on the other hand, is drunk with power and self-righteous in its adherence to principles whenever it ignores pleas for moderation from the Republican leadership. But admittedly, the blackmail strategy is effective; the U.S. government has been spending more than it takes in for many years, regardless who controls the White House — Democrats or Republicans. American debt is unconscionably high. If politicians representing the broad middle of American society lack the power to enforce responsible fiscal policies, only the debt ceiling, with its vulnerability to fringe powers in Congress, remains.
A Scenario for Germany?
What about here? Could it ever come to government offices shutting down, unpaid furloughs for civil servants and a halt to social security payments in Germany? The political cultures in the U.S. and Germany are worlds apart. In America, ideological battles are bitterly contested; Germany, on the other hand, is a consensus society in which we are all more or less “Social Democrats.” In America, budget law is rigidly interpreted. If there's no money in the till, those who depend on it are just out of luck. That applies even if the money is there but Congress refuses to spend it. Germans believe in government; it's inconceivable to them not to trust it. If such a thing happened here, there would be mass demonstrations, or the courts would rule that money designated for social services could not be made dependent on the availability of funds.
The threat of government shutdown is no road map showing the way out of government debt. Germany must first and foremost show that the debt limit works. What good is it when push comes to shove? But despite all the cultural differences, this warning unites us all: To preserve their democracy, politicians have to be financially responsible.
In the United States, madness has been transformed into method by Republicans who misuse congressional budget law in order to blackmail the Obama administration. Whenever the White House needs money, the conservative majority in the House of Representatives deny the requests unless Obama caves into its ultimatums. The right wing is demonstrating its disrespect for national interests. In the wake of a similar phony budget crisis in the summer of 2011, the United States lost its AAA credit rating and markets nosedived. The House also shows no respect for the rules of a democracy.
Now they want to close down the government in an attempt to torpedo Obama's health care reform — despite the fact it was properly and legally enacted in 2010.
Madness Becomes the Method
Most Germans are now truly puzzled. How can madness become method in a nation that leads the world technologically and economically, and is considered the global cultural trend setter? How can the “radicalinskis” wield such power? They make up only one-fifth of House members. People here anxiously ask whether a similar dynamic might be possible in Germany the next time the debt ceiling is reached. Would “American conditions” apply here when German federal and state governments have exhausted all their funds but are unable to take on new debt?
However, many causes of a government shutdown in the United States are peculiarly American. The deep ideological split running through the middle of U.S. society and the maneuverability of electoral districts via gerrymandering are examples. Tea party adherents care little about the nation and the Republican Party itself if paralyzing both plays well with and unites their own constituents. This blockade will not be easily overcome. First of all, two more opportunities for battle are rapidly approaching: The start of the new fiscal year on Oct. 1 and the debt ceiling deadline shortly thereafter. In addition, both opponents share at least one goal — weakening the Republican leadership in Congress.
Obama's Trial by Fire
Obama deserves criticism. He lacks leadership, but now he can show some strength by standing up to the blackmailers and their demands — and he can do so without great personal risk. His health care reform may still be unpopular, but a majority of Americans also think it's not right to try to scuttle it by tampering with the budget. The tea party, on the other hand, is drunk with power and self-righteous in its adherence to principles whenever it ignores pleas for moderation from the Republican leadership. But admittedly, the blackmail strategy is effective; the U.S. government has been spending more than it takes in for many years, regardless who controls the White House — Democrats or Republicans. American debt is unconscionably high. If politicians representing the broad middle of American society lack the power to enforce responsible fiscal policies, only the debt ceiling, with its vulnerability to fringe powers in Congress, remains.
A Scenario for Germany?
What about here? Could it ever come to government offices shutting down, unpaid furloughs for civil servants and a halt to social security payments in Germany? The political cultures in the U.S. and Germany are worlds apart. In America, ideological battles are bitterly contested; Germany, on the other hand, is a consensus society in which we are all more or less “Social Democrats.” In America, budget law is rigidly interpreted. If there's no money in the till, those who depend on it are just out of luck. That applies even if the money is there but Congress refuses to spend it. Germans believe in government; it's inconceivable to them not to trust it. If such a thing happened here, there would be mass demonstrations, or the courts would rule that money designated for social services could not be made dependent on the availability of funds.
The threat of government shutdown is no road map showing the way out of government debt. Germany must first and foremost show that the debt limit works. What good is it when push comes to shove? But despite all the cultural differences, this warning unites us all: To preserve their democracy, politicians have to be financially responsible.