The Swindle Appears To Have Failed in Syria

Published in Argenpress
(Argentina) on 3 October 2013
by Manuel E. Yepe (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Sean P. Hunter. Edited by Brent Landon.
The logic of events seems to indicate that the deception over chemical weapons was revealed on time to prevent American aggression.

The usual media war of moderation could not this time play the role that it previously had carried out to unleash the bloody aggression against Iraq, Libya and other countries in the United States’ recent history.

The intense propaganda campaign over the Syrian government’s supposed use of chemical weapons against "rebel" forces, which is prohibited by international standards, unleashed the main flow of global media information. At one point, this flow of information reached such an intensity that there weren't many informed people who doubted that this was an indisputable incident and that, although Washington had no right to intervene in the internal conflict of another country, the international community had to condemn the behavior of Bashar al-Assad's government.

Until then, everything seemed to be going just as it had gone in prior wars of U.S. aggression against third-world nations. But this time a masterful move of Russian diplomacy intervened in what seemed to be the repetition of the script already put into practice for the launching of prior aggressions by the United States.

The savior arrived in Washington, by way of Moscow, when Obama found himself in a mess after having drawn up irreversible threats with fixed terms that would have inevitably led to incalculable global consequences or if the threats didn't materialize, a huge discredit for President Obama and the governing Democratic Party.

After agreements in the U.N. Security Council, due to the Moscow initiative that became the "Russian-American Project," Obama was able to save face and even claim victory and declare the agreements as a "significant step ahead." Putin, for his part, seemed to be able to fulfill his promise to help Syria without embroiling himself in a conflict that would be as unavoidable as it would be undesirable for Russia.

But it is worth examining now, without the rush imposed by already decided aggression against Syria, the elements that were silenced by the deafening media war campaign about the chemical weapons attack supposedly ordered by the Syrian president in the suburbs of Damascus on Aug. 21.

For example, consider the revelation from an interview that journalist Dale Gavlak from the Associated Press (AP) made with various "rebels" in Ghouta, near Damascus, in which they confessed that it was they who used these toxic weapons on Aug. 21 and that they were sent by Saudi Arabia and, due to lack of proper training in their use, suffered the accident that caused the death of hundreds of people, including a dozen of their own. This information was not reported by AP, although it was reported by INFOWARS, which specializes in cybertechnology.

Also not highlighted in Western media was a declaration by Michael Maloof, the ex-analyst of the U.S. Department of Defense Security Policy, who announced on Sept. 17 that Washington had intelligence reports of sarin gas that had come out of Iraq and Turkey and was in the hands of Syrian opponents.

Very little was revealed about how the organization Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS), made up of 12 ex-agents of high levels of security in U.S. intelligence, had sent a memo to Obama in which they pointed out to him that, contrary to his government's declarations, the most trustworthy reports indicate that Bashar al-Assad is not responsible for the chemical incident on Aug. 21, "a fact known also by British Services." VIPS accused the CIA director, John Brennan, of committing the same kind of fraud that was done in Iraq.

It was known that on Aug. 13 through 14, "rebel" forces based in Turkey made preparations for a large intervention in Syria against the army and, with the support of the Turks and Saudis, that would coincide with the U.S. military intervention announced by Barack Obama.

We must take into account that, although news about the Syrian government's possession of chemical weapons was widely disseminated, equal acknowledgement was not given to the "rebel" groups, despite their bragging on Internet videos about their ability to produce sarin gas.

These elements, and many more that are already known, should be sufficient to question Washington's accusations. But if they're not, the achievement of negotiations in the United Nations must be awarded to Russian diplomacy.


La lógica de los acontecimientos parece indicar que la engañifa sobre las armas químicas fue revelada a tiempo para evitar la agresión estadounidense.

La acostumbrada guerra mediática de ablandamiento no pudo esta vez jugar el papel que desempeñó para desatar las cruentas agresiones contra Irak, Libia y en algunas ocasiones más a lo largo de la historia reciente de Estados Unidos.

La intensa campaña de propaganda acerca del supuesto uso por el gobierno de Siria de armas químicas prohibidas por convenciones internacionales contra sus opositores “rebeldes” desbordó la corriente global principal de los medios de información y alcanzó una intensidad tal que, en un momento dado, eran pocas las personas informadas que dudaban que se trataba de un hecho incuestionable y que, si bien Washington no tenía derecho alguno a intervenir en un conflicto interno de otro país, la comunidad internacional debía reprobar la actuación del gobierno de Bashar al Assad.

Hasta ahí todo pareció marchar igual que en la anteriores guerras estadounidenses de agresión contra naciones del tercer mundo. Pero esta vez se sumó a la incredulidad que despertaba el hecho de que todo pareciera la repetición del guión ya puesto en práctica para el lanzamiento de anteriores agresiones de Estados Unidos, una magistral movida de la diplomacia rusa.

El salvavidas llegó a Washington desde Moscú cuando Obama se hallaba atorado tras haber formulado irreversibles amenazas a plazo fijo que habrían conducido irremediablemente, en caso de ejecutarse la intimidación, a una conflagración de incalculables consecuencias globales; o como un gran descrédito para el Presidente Obama y el partido demócrata gobernante, en caso de no materializar la amenaza. Tras los acuerdos del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU a raíz de la iniciativa de Moscú que devino “proyecto ruso-americano”, Obama pudo salvar la cara y hasta cantar victoria y calificar los acuerdos como “significativo paso hacia delante”. Putin, por su parte, parecía haber podido cumplir su compromiso de ayudar a Siria, sin verse envuelto en un conflicto bélico tan inevitable como indeseable para Rusia.

Pero vale la pena ahora examinar, sin la prisa que imponía la inminente agresión ya decidida contra Siria, los elementos acallados por la estrepitosa campaña mediática belicista acerca del ataque con armas químicas supuestamente ordenado por el Presidente sirio en los suburbios de Damasco el 21 de agosto.

Por ejemplo, la escasa divulgación de una entrevista que la periodista Dale Gavlak, de la agencia Associated Press (AP) realizó a varios "rebeldes" en Ghouta, cerca de Damasco, en la que éstos le confesaron que fueron ellos quienes el 21 de agosto usaron esas armas tóxicas, enviadas por Arabia Saudita y, debido a su mal manejo por carecer de entrenamiento para su uso, tuvieron un accidente que provocó la muerte a centenares de personas, incluso una docena de ellos. Esta información no circuló por AP aunque si lo hizo por el canal INFOWAR, especializado en tecnología cibernética.

Tampoco tuvo realce en la prensa occidental la declaración del exanalista de política de seguridad del Departamento de Defensa de Estados Unidos Michael Maloof quien denunció el 17 de septiembre que Washington tenia informes de inteligencia acerca de la posesión de gas sarín procedente de Irak y Turquía por los opositores sirios.

Muy poco se divulgó que la organización Profesionales Veteranos de Inteligencia por la Salud Informativa (VIPS, por sus siglas en inglés), integrada por doce ex agentes de alto nivel de la Inteligencia estadounidense, elevó a Obama un memo en que le señalaban que, contrariamente a las declaraciones de su gobierno, las informaciones más fiables indican que Bashar al Assad no es responsable del incidente químico del 21 de agosto, “hecho que también conocen los servicios británicos”. VIPS acusó al director de la CIA, John Brennan, de cometer un fraude idéntico al de Irak.

Se supo que el 13 y el 14 de agosto las fuerzas “rebeldes” con base en Turquía realizaron preparativos para una gran intervención en Siria de su ejército, con apoyo de turcos y sauditas, que coincidiría con la intervención militar de Estados Unidos anunciada por Barack Obama.

Hay que tomar en cuenta, además, que al ampliamente difundido reconocimiento por el gobierno sirio de su posesión de un arsenal de armas químicas, no correspondió igual reconocimiento por parte de los grupos “rebeldes”, pese a que estos últimos se jactaban, en videos aparecidos en INTERNET, de su capacidad de producir gas sarín.

Estos elementos, y muchos más que ya se conocen, debieron ser suficientes para cuestionar las acusaciones de Washington pero, no siendo así, ese mérito hay que adjudicárselo a la diplomacia rusa.
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