The NSA Incident

Published in Neues Deutschland
(Germany) on 30 October 2013
by Olaf Standke (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Ron Argentati. Edited by .

Edited by Laurence Bouvard

 

On President Obama's Spy Agency Policy

Thus far, Barack Obama has seemed impervious to blame in the NSA scandal. The president and his spokespeople took refuge behind the same old mantras: Everybody spies on everybody else; we had to use every weapon in our arsenal in the war on terror, and that government spying had saved lives—not just American lives but those of America's allies as well.

Then came confusion over what Obama knew, when he knew it, what he said and what he ordered done. One might call it the arrogance of disinformation or perhaps the hubris of supposed omnipotence to stand above everyone and give directions if worst comes to worst. But the first cracks are now beginning to appear due to increasing pressure, such as Senator Diane Feinstein who supports the NSA in the Edward Snowden matter and who now is directing hostile fire toward it in Congress. Perhaps it is beginning to dawn on the White House strategists that the president, being drawn ever deeper into the NSA mess, stands to lose: He could lose allies he may desperately need in some coming war, or as commander-in-chief he could be seen as having no clue as to what his military intelligence is up to. Neither outcome sounds much like a win-win situation.


In der NSA-Falle

Olaf Standke über die Geheimdienstpolitik von USA-Präsident Obama


Bisher schienen Vorwürfe in der NSA-Affäre von Barack Obama abzuperlen. Der Teflon-Präsident und seine Sprachrohre verschanzten sich hinter das immer gleiche Mantra: »Alle spionieren«, »Wir müssen jede Möglichkeit nutzen, um Informationen im Anti-Terrorkampf zu sammeln«, »Die Geheimdienste schützen Leben, in den USA wie bei den Verbündeten«. Dazu kommt das Verwirrspiel, was Obama wann gewusst, gesagt, gebilligt haben soll. Man kann es auch die Arroganz der Desinformation nennen. Oder die Hybris vermeintlicher Allmacht, in der Interessen der Supermacht über allen stehen und im Fall der Fälle zu denen aller erklärt werden. Und doch sind erste Risse nicht zu übersehen, auch weil der innenpolitische Druck steigt. Etwa wenn eine einflussreiche demokratische Senatorin wie Dianne Feinstein, die die NSA stets gegen den Whistleblower Edward Snowden verteidigt hat, nun scharfe Aufklärungsgeschütze im Kongress auffährt. Und vielleicht dämmert es den Strategen im Weißen Haus, dass sich der Präsident immer tiefer in der NSA-Falle verlieren könnte: Entweder Alliierte, die man beim nächsten Krieg vielleicht dringend braucht, bewusst vor den Kopf zu stoßen, oder als Oberkommandierender nicht richtig zu wissen, was der militärische Geheimdienst eigentlich so treibt - das klingt nicht nach einer Win-Win-Situation.
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