A Fresh Start for Japan and the US?

Published in Mainichi Shimbun
(Japan) on 9 February 2014
by Akitaka Furumoto and Shinichiro Nishida (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Courtney Coppernoll. Edited by Kyrstie Lane.
At noon on Jan. 7 — early morning on Jan. 8 in Japan — Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida met with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry in Washington. The goal of their conference was to tackle important issues like the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations and the strengthening of the Japan-U.S. alliance. There was also the issue of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's visit to Yasukuni Shrine late last year, which cast a dark shadow over attempts to restore strained Japan-U.S. relations. At the same time, the American side urged improvement to the relationship between Japan and Korea, and the itinerary for President Obama's visit to Japan suggests that we may not have moved toward restoring a relationship of mutual trust.

“In terms of Japan-Korea relations, how will Japan proceed?” Secretary Kerry pressed Minister Kishida to make a serious effort toward improving the Japan-Korea relationship. Though Minister Kishida answered, “We are tenaciously working on it,” it is apparent that action, such as requesting face-to-face talks between top-level leaders, is not being taken outside the realm of abstract theory.*

The purpose of Minister Kishida's visit to the U.S. was to restore the trajectory of Japan-U.S. relations, which had cooled due to Prime Minister Abe's visit to Yasukuni Shrine. He also sought to solidify plans for Obama to visit Japan in two months, a visit for which the Japanese side had been lobbying. However, in response to Minister Kishida's appeal for the president to visit Japan as a state guest, Secretary Kerry said, “We are continuing to work on it.” Following that conversation, presidential aide Susan Rice, national security adviser, also said, with some finality, “We are adjusting the schedule.”*

More than two nights are needed when staying as a state guest, and at first, this appeared to be feasible. However, the situation has now become more complicated. According to a diplomatic source, “The Korean government has strongly appealed to the American government to visit Korea, saying, 'If you go to Japan without also coming to Korea, you'll appear to be sending the message that you approve of Prime Minister Abe's visit to Yasukuni Shrine.'”** In addition to the original three countries — the Philippines, Malaysia and Japan — it has become impossible to avoid considering a visit to Korea, and it is increasingly likely that Obama's time in Japan will be shortened.

During the talks between Kishida and Kerry, they also discussed the relocation of Marine Corps Air Station Futenma (Okinawa prefecture, Ginowan City) including an assessment of Okinawa prefecture's approved landfill application. In terms of not accepting China's unilaterally established air defense identification zone, which is “an attempt to alter the present status quo,” there was something of a confirmation that the two countries plan to work together to address the matter. There were definite results in reaffirming the importance of a Japan-U.S. alliance.

The Abe administration hopes to steadily accomplish a number of things through such profitable meetings. They aim to strengthen the Japan-U.S. alliance by restoring trust on the American side, conclude TPP negotiations between Japan and the U.S., approve exercising the right to collective defense, and implement revisions to the two countries' cooperative defense guidelines.

Yet, the prime minister's visit to Yasukuni Shrine never came up in conversation. Since the Yasukuni visit, this issue of historical perception has been like a dark cloud hanging over otherwise practical talks. No suggestion was made for filling this gap. The prime minister visited Yasukuni against the wishes of the American side, and their response to China's marine advance and North Korea's nuclear development — “many Americans feel that now is the time to be thinking strategically,” former U.S. Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Michele Flournoy said — shows that the “disappointment” they expressed toward him is not insignificant. As far as Japan is concerned, it appears that in order to strengthen a relationship of mutual trust with the U.S., we will need to take concrete steps toward better relationships with China and Korea.

* Editor’s Note: The author has paraphrased statements made by U.S. and Japanese officials.

** Editor’s Note: This quote, accurately translated, could not be verified.


岸田文雄外相は7日昼(日本時間8日未明)、ケリー米国務長官とワシントンで会談した。日米同盟の強化 や環太平洋パートナーシップ協定(TPP)交渉など実利的な課題に焦点を当て、安倍晋三首相の靖国神社参拝でぎくしゃくした日米関係を仕切り直す色合いが 濃いものとなった。一方で、米側は日韓関係の改善を促し、オバマ大統領の訪日も日程発表には至らず、信頼関係の回復とはいかなかったようだ。【古本陽荘、 ワシントン西田進一郎】

 「日韓関係について、日本はどう取り組むのか」。ケリー氏は岸田氏に日韓関係改善に真剣に取り組むよう迫った。岸田氏は「粘り強く対応していく」と答えたが、首脳レベルでの直接対話を求めることなど抽象論の域を出なかったと見られる。

 岸田氏の訪米は、首相の靖国参拝で隙間(すきま)風が吹く日米関係を軌道に戻し、2カ月後に迫った大統 領の訪日を具体化しようと日本側が働きかけた。しかし、国賓としての大統領訪日を要請した岸田氏に対し、ケリー長官は「引き続き作業している」。その後会 談したライス大統領補佐官(国家安全保障担当)も「日程は調整をしている」と答えるにとどめた。

 国賓としての滞在には2泊以上が必要で、当初は実現可能とみられていた。しかし、「韓国政府が『日本に 行って韓国に来なければ、安倍首相の靖国神社参拝を容認したようなメッセージを送ることになる』と韓国訪問を米政府に強く働きかけた」(日米外交筋)た め、事態が複雑化した。当初のフィリピン、マレーシア、日本の3カ国に加え、韓国訪問も検討せざるを得なくなり、日本での滞在時間が短くなる可能性が高 まっている。

会談では、米軍普天間飛行場(沖縄県宜野湾市)の移設に関し沖縄県から埋め立て申請が許可されたことを 評価。中国が一方的に設定した防空識別圏(ADIZ)を受け入れず「力による現状変更の試み」に対し、協力して対処する方針を確認するなど、日米同盟の重 要性を再確認する一定の成果はあった。

 安倍政権はこうした実利的な協議を積み重ね、日米同盟強化の実績で米側の信頼を回復することを狙っており、日米間のTPP協議の妥結や集団的自衛権の行使容認、日米防衛協力指針(ガイドライン)改定などを着実に実現したい考えだ。

だが、会談では首相の靖国参拝は話題に上らなかった。参拝以降、歴史認識問題が実務的な協議に暗い影を 投げかけており、溝は埋まっていないことをうかがわせた。中国の海洋進出や北朝鮮の核開発を念頭に、「米国人は戦略的に物を考える時だと感じている」(フ ロノイ前米国防次官)という米側の意向に反し靖国を参拝した首相への「失望」は小さくなく、日本にとっては中韓との関係改善をどう具体的に進めるかが米国 との信頼関係を深める上でも重要になりそうだ。
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