Why Everybody Loves "House of Cards"

Published in Southern Weekend
(China) on 28 February 2014
by Shi Zhe (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Nathan Hsu. Edited by Laurence Bouvard.
In early February, Gallup polled Americans on whom they "consider to be the United States' greatest enemy." The survey was drawn from a sample size of 1,023 people spanning all 50 states and the District of Columbia. The results found that 20 percent of respondents now believe that China is the greatest enemy of the U.S., surpassing Iran and North Korea — both with 16 percent — to top the list. In similar surveys from previous years, Iran had consistently been viewed as Americans’ No. 1 foe.

The U.S. conducts countless polls about China every year, but it has turned out to be this poll, lacking any discernible policy direction, that after roughly 10 days has crossed the ocean and given rise to a flurry of debate with headlines such as "China Becomes No. 1 Enemy in Americans’ Eyes" saturating Chinese newspapers and the Internet.

One reason for the uproar is obvious. The results of the survey play straight to that prophecy of international politics which, having already taken root in many hearts and minds despite half a century of alternating openness and obfuscation, now has the addition of clear proof: "imperialism will ever seek to destroy us." The poll thus being blown out of proportion exemplifies the absurdity of information dissemination; as the news is passed down, the phrase "No. 1 enemy" is often styled to be the position of the U.S. government and treated as the collective opinion of all "Americans." Seldom do people take care to note that those polled only numbered 1,023, or simply stop to question whether or not they are representative of all Americans, as well as whether their opinions hold any real significance in terms of policy.

There are also some that read hints of the "China threat theory" into the results. The reality is, however, that the survey does not have any bearing upon the strategic layers of the U.S.-China relationship. China's leader Xi Jinping has said on several occasions that "the vast Pacific Ocean has enough space for two large countries like the United States and China." Former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton shared those sentiments, stating that the Pacific is large enough to accommodate both countries and that the U.S. continues to welcome China as a rising power. Xi has recently placed greater emphasis on "striving to avoid falling into the Thucydidean trap." The "Thucydidean trap" in question refers to a state of conflict resulting from the challenge posed to an existing power by a rising one.

There is clearly some common language being shared between the top brass in both countries. But what about on the popular level? Within the Chinese people's preconceptions surrounding the U.S., it is a simple task to find areas of common ground with Americans. Most recently, the U.S. web series "House of Cards" has been resonating well with many Chinese.

An examination of the ratings reveals exactly how popular the show is in both countries. The second season began airing not long ago, and according to audience ratings estimates and to the site traffic measurements of several U.S. broadband companies, the original web series has garnered anywhere between 13 to 32 million U.S. viewers. At the time of this writing, only one Chinese site has bought broadcasting rights for the show. On that site's list of this week's hottest shows, the second season of "House of Cards" has broken into the top 10 with over 10 million viewers and is still rising at a rapid pace.

The audiences for "House of Cards" in both countries can agree on quite a few things. For example, Americans are capable of condemning the baseness of U.S. politicians, political underhandedness, and corruption born from power; the Chinese can do the same.

Of course, it is only on a superficial plane that the two groups are so aligned.

Let us take criticism as an example. Americans harbor a sort of innate wariness and distrust toward power; this is even more true among the ever-vocal drivers of the cultural world, of whom many are apt to view officials and politicians as enemies. American movies and television routinely satirize, parody, and disparage politicians and the government. Even the president and speaker of the House often come under fire. But while Americans have little sympathy for government, they very rarely put the U.S. as a nation in the crosshairs.

The conspiracy theory is an important tool that has been tapped by a slew of works in television and film as a means to attract viewers. However, one must admit that when it comes to "theatrical authenticity," "House of Cards" is a far cry from China's traditional dramas of palace intrigue. The novel behind the show was originally written by British native and former advisor to Margaret Thatcher Michael Dobbs, who set the story in the U.K. with his intimate understanding of parliamentary politics. Americans later picked up the idea and changed the setting to the U.S. During the course of filming, the cast and crew were immersed in true-to-life mockups of parts of the White House and Congress to better understand the battlegrounds where Obama and members of Congress have their debates. On certain specialized issues, the views of the show are even a direct reflection of the real present-day U.S. It is no wonder, then, that Chinese audiences used to watching dramas about palace intrigue find the gap between theatrical authenticity and objective reality difficult to grasp.

In addition to this, criticizing realism — as opposed to idealism — has always been the safest and easiest path to creating a profound or satisfying piece, and is likely a leading reason why "House of Cards" is so well received.

But the truth is that most often, the overarching reason why we watch movies and television is simply to kill some time. And no matter how dark U.S. politics become, it is at least a Pacific Ocean removed from the daily lives of ordinary Chinese. Years ago, U.K. Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher relished the lampooning of parliamentary politics in "Yes Minister," and today, U.S. President Barack Obama enjoys "House of Cards" for its satirical take on politics in Congress. Neither is produced truly in earnest, and Chinese viewers might be reminded that while it is not completely unreasonable to treat "House of Cards" as a front row ticket to watching Western politics at work, it should never be taken entirely at face value.


2014年2月上旬,盖洛普做了一份“谁是美国最大敌人”的民意调查。该调查抽取了遍布美国50个州以及华盛顿特区的1023个样本。结果显示,有20%的调查对象认为中国是美国最大的敌人,中国超过伊朗、朝鲜(16%)位列第一,而在此前若干年的同类调查中,伊朗一直被视为美国的头号敌人。

美国每年针对中国的民调成千上万,但就是这样一个很难说得上有什么现实政策指向的民调,十来天后漂洋过海来到中国,被冠上“中国成为美国人眼中的头号敌人”之类的标题见诸中国报纸、网络,让众多国人议论纷纷。

热议的原因之一,当然是它迎合了中国半个多世纪时而公开时而隐晦、但已经在很多人心中扎根,现在又多了一个明确证据的那个国际政治预言——“帝国主义亡我之心不死”。这个民调的发酵见证了传播的荒诞性:在信息传递中,“头号敌人”的说法常常被当成美国政府的意志、作为整体的“美国人”的想法,很少有人去留意它只是一个针对1023个人的民调,或者简单质疑一下他们是否能代表“美国人”,他们的意见是否具有现实的政策意义。

或者,有人从中读出“中国威胁论”的意味。不过其实并没有入中美两国战略层面。中国国家领导人习近平多次说“宽广的太平洋两岸有足够空间容纳中美两个大国”。美国前国务卿希拉里也说了类似的话,称太平洋足够大容得下中美两国;美国继续欢迎中美崛起。习近平最近更是强调“我们都应该努力避免陷入‘修昔底德陷阱’”。所谓“修昔底德陷阱”,是指一个新崛起的大国挑战现存大国导致冲突局面。

可见,中美高层是有共同语言的。那么在民间层面呢?在中国人预设的对美国的想象中,中国人要找到与美国人的共同语言并非难事。最近让大量中国人与美国人发生共鸣的,是一部美国网络电视连续剧《纸牌屋》。

《纸牌屋》在这两个国家究竟有多火,让我们来看一下收视情况。该剧最新的第二季于近期推出,根据美国几个宽带公司对收视流量的测算以及众多收视民调的评估,这部网络原创剧在美国的观众人数大约在1300万至3200万之间。中国迄今只有一家网络购买了其播映权,在该网络的本周热播列表中,《纸牌屋》第二季以过千万的收视位列前十,而且名次还在迅速提升。

观看《纸牌屋》的两国观众,在诸多方面达成了最大一致。比如,美国人能痛斥美国政客的卑鄙、政治的阴暗、权力的败坏……中国人也能,也能痛斥美国政客的卑鄙、政治的阴暗、权力的败坏……

当然这种琴瑟和鸣是表面上的。

以谴责为例,美国人对于权力有一种天然的警惕与不信任,更别提向来具有批判精神的文化圈,他们中许多人更是偏执地视官员政客为敌,美国影视作品中讥讽、嘲弄、贬损政府、政客者比比皆是,连总统、议长也经常中枪。但美国人对政府不留情面,却很少把矛头对准美国这个国家。

“阴谋论”是众多影视作品吸引观众的重要法门。不过,你得承认,《纸牌屋》和中国传统宫斗戏在“戏剧真实”方面有天壤之别。《纸牌屋》的原作是英国人迈克尔·道布斯,曾任撒切尔内阁的幕僚长,对于议会政治可谓知根知底,故事设定的背景是英国。美国人搞拿来主义,将故事背景改到了美国。在拍摄过程中,剧组更是深入白宫、国会,了解奥巴马与议员辩论的具体场景;在一些专业议题上,影片中的观点甚至就是当下美国现实的直接反映。存在于戏剧真实与客观真实之间的差异,恐怕也是看惯了“宫斗戏”的中国观众难以玩味的。

另外,批判现实主义向来最容易产生或者深刻、或者让人有酣畅淋漓之感的作品,这恐怕也是《纸牌屋》得以风行的客观原因。

其实,看电影电视更多的时候,第一需求还是图个消遣。美国政治再黑,和普通中国人的日常至少还隔着一个太平洋。当年英国首相撒切尔喜欢讽刺英国议会政治的电视剧《是,大臣》,今天美国总统奥巴马喜欢讽刺美国国会政治的《纸牌屋》,他们都没有那么较真,也不妨提醒中国观众一句,把《纸牌屋》当作了解西方政治的窗口未尝不可,但千万别全当了真。
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