Moving toward a New Asia-Pacific Region

Published in Chunichi Shinbun
(Japan) on 18 May 2014
by Editorial (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Courtney Coppernoll. Edited by .

Edited by Gillian Palmer 

Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) negotiations are coming to a head. At a conference with President Obama, Japan and the U.S. jointly identified a path to agreement. Now, it'll take just a little bit more.

At the chief negotiators’ meeting in Vietnam, the two countries made progress in areas like intellectual property rights and the reform of state-run enterprises. The week of May 19, cabinet ministers will meet for the first time in three months.

Reaching a summary agreement here seems like it could be difficult, but the current momentum we have toward achieving that goal won't be lost. At a summit meeting between Japanese and U.S. leaders, the two countries went so far as delaying their joint announcement while, incredibly, negotiations continued all night long. Japan and the U.S. have demonstrated their strong determination to finalize negotiations.

We've Already Moved Past the Difficult Part of Negotiations

When it came to reporting the results of this summit meeting, there was a rarely seen divide among Japanese newspapers. The Yomiuri Shimbun wrote that a “substantial agreement” had been made, whereas a headline in the Asahi Shimbun read, “Goodbye Agreement.” This newspaper, the Chunichi Shinbun, reported that the “way forward has been identified.”

These differing assessments made me think, “What the heck? Which one is the truth?” However, when you look at the major news sources, it'd be nice to see something like, “We've moved past the difficult part.” In other words, we no longer have a serious breakdown in negotiations.

What we're seeing now is Japan and the U.S. putting their joint declaration — that they've “identified the path to progress” — into practice. They're saying, “If we continue on our current path, we'll arrive at our goal.” To put it another way, they can see the finish line on the horizon.

Since the public doesn't have access to the contents of these negotiations, we can't make hasty evaluations at this stage of events. Still, if I could presume to offer my thoughts, a TPP agreement carries immense weight for the Asia-Pacific. There can be no mistake about that. It should serve as the beginning of a new Asia-Pacific region.

Up until now, the Asia-Pacific region has been pivoting toward a Japan-U.S. axis. But then China began catching up with intense force, and that country is now trying to become No. 1 in the world. This intense competition brought vitality and stimulation to Asia, and has also become the driving force for growth.

The TPP's “Five Founding Principles”

On the other hand, China's push forward has also given rise to strain in the region. It disregards intellectual property rights and widely sells counterfeit goods both in its own country and overseas. There are also instances where doubts have been raised regarding whether laws were impartially applied to the launch of new enterprises. Just the other day, too, there was an incident where China seized a Mitsui cargo ship on the basis of a past wartime issue.

In the midst of all that, TPP negotiations are focused on the issue of tariffs over five agricultural products. The truth of the matter is, however, that creating rules for trade and investment has an extremely important purpose. If we can decide on some rules, we can then impose punishments on those countries that break the rules. Even China can't ignore that. Trade extends beyond a mutually arranged and agreed upon business transaction — so you can't behave selfishly.

If we look at it another way, what would have happened if Japan had not participated in negotiations? In that case, Japan would be forced to follow rules that were decided without its input, which would have left our country at a severe disadvantage. Even if only for that, participating in the negotiations was inevitable.

China also understands this fact and is showing interest in TPP. Well then, China could participate from this point on, couldn't it? Though the Japanese and U.S. governments didn't clearly say anything at the outset, the truth is that their answer to China wanting to join TPP would be “No.”

If we look at the reason why, one example is that legal controls in China are in their infancy. Trying to reform the laws will take an enormous amount of energy, and it's not something that can be done overnight. They have additional problems on a more fundamental level. The TPP is not only about liberalizing trade and investment; in all honesty, it also affects matters like security guarantees and national defense.

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has been pointing out these issues since he first decided to participate in the TPP, but the newspapers have hardly noticed.

If we talk about what these issues are, there are “five founding principles” within the background of the TPP: freedom and democracy, legal controls, human rights, and a market economy. The countries participating in TPP negotiations share these ideals and institutions.

Speaking of freedom and democracy or human rights in China, they're all “limited,” to say the very least. What about a market economy? Here, too, China's foundation is a state-run market economy. In other words, China as it is now can't share in the foundational sense of values that the TPP is based upon.

Quite the contrary. In the South China Sea, China continues to “try to change the present situation by force.” The territorial rights over a certain reef are in dispute, but China has effectively taken control of the area, and it recently rammed a Vietnamese patrol boat, apparently to reclaim the reef.

As long as China continues this outrageous behavior, it's very hard to imagine it joining the TPP. Rather, within the context of defense and the security treaty, it's much more likely that the TPP will play a role in restraining China.

The Future of Collective Security

Furthermore, if we look to the future, the countries participating in TPP negotiations — Japan, the U.S., Canada, Australia and New Zealand, among others — will be at the center. We may even arrive in an era in which we can conceive of collective security for a new Asia-Pacific region.

Japan is currently standing at just such a crossroads. Our great powers of conception are being put to the test.


新しいアジア太平洋へ 週のはじめに考える

 環太平洋連携協定(TPP)交渉が大詰めを迎えています。オバマ米大統領との会談で日米両国は合意への道筋を確認しました。あと、もう少しです。

 ベトナムで開かれた首席交渉官会合では、知的財産分野や国有企業改革などで前進がありました。週明け十九日からは三カ月ぶりに閣僚会合が開かれます。

 ここで大筋合意にこぎつけるのは難しそうですが、合意へのモメンタムは失われていません。日米首脳会談では共同声明の発表を遅らせても異例の徹夜協議を続けたように、両国は交渉をまとめる強い意志を示してきました。
もう交渉の峠は越した

 首脳会談の結果については、珍しく新聞の評価が割れました。読売新聞は「実質合意」と書きましたが、朝日新聞の見出しは「合意見送り」、本紙の記事は「道筋を特定」と報じています。

 「いったい真相はどうなのか」と思われるでしょうが、大きな流れで見れば「峠は越した」とみていいでしょう。つまり、もはや最悪の決裂はない。

 それは日米共同声明の「前進の道筋を特定した」という言葉に示されています。「この道を進めばゴールに到着する」と言っている。言い換えれば、ゴールラインが視野に入ったのです。

 肝心の交渉内容がよく見えないので、いまの段階で性急に評価はできません。それでもあえて言えば、TPP交渉の妥結はアジア太平洋にとって大きな意味を持つ。それは間違いありません。新しいアジア太平洋の幕開けになるはずです。

 これまでアジア太平洋は日米が軸になって引っ張ってきました。そこに中国が猛烈な勢いで追いつき、いまや世界ナンバーワンになろうとしています。激しい競争はアジアに活力と刺激を与え、成長の原動力になってきました。
TPPの「五つの理念」

 一方で、中国の躍進はひずみも生んでいます。知的所有権を無視して偽物商品を国の内外で売りさばいたり、進出企業に対する公正な法の適用に疑念を抱かせるような例があります。先日も商船三井が戦時中の問題で船を差し押さえられる事件が起きました。

 そんな中で、TPPは農産品五項目の関税問題ばかりに焦点が当てられていますが、実は貿易や投資をめぐるルール作りで非常に重要な意味を持っています。ルールが決まれば、破った国は罰を科される。それは中国も無視できません。貿易が互いに納得して成立する取引である以上、勝手なふるまいはできないからです。

 逆に言えば、日本が交渉に参加していなかったらどうなったか。日本抜きで決まるルールに従わざるをえず、非常に不利な立場に置かれたでしょう。ここだけみても交渉参加は不可避でした。

 中国もその点を理解してTPPに関心を示しています。では、中国はいまからでも参加できるでしょうか。日米はじめ政府はあからさまに言いませんが、実は答えは「ノー」です。

 なぜかといえば、中国は法の支配一つとっても未成熟で、改革しようとすれば、大変なエネルギーが必要になる。とても一朝一夕にはいきません。さらに、もっと根本的な問題もあります。TPPは貿易や投資の自由化だけでなく、実は安全保障や防衛問題にも関わっているのです。

 この点は安倍晋三首相がTPP参加を決めたときから指摘していましたが、新聞はあまり注目してきませんでした。

 どういうことかといえば、TPPの背景には「五つの理念」がある。自由と民主主義、法の支配、人権、それに市場経済です。交渉に参加している国はこれらの理念と制度を共有しています。

 中国に自由や民主主義、人権があるかといえば、それは控えめに言っても「限定付き」でしょう。市場経済はどうか。これも根幹は国家市場経済です。つまり、いまの中国はTPPの根本の価値観を共有できていないのです。

 それどころか、中国は南シナ海で「力による現状変更の試み」を続けてきました。領有権をめぐって争いがある岩礁に対する実効支配や最近のベトナム巡視船への体当たり、埋め立てもそうです。

 中国が傍若無人なふるまいを続ける限り、TPP参加はとても考えにくいし、むしろ安全保障、防衛の文脈でTPPは中国をけん制する役割を担うでしょう。
将来の集団安全保障も

 さらに将来を見渡せば、日米やカナダ、オーストラリア、ニュージーランドなどTPP参加国が中心になって、新しいアジア太平洋地域の集団安全保障を構想する時代も到来するかもしれません。

 いま日本が立っている場所は、そういう分岐点です。大きな構想力が試されています。
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