How America Finds and Disciplines Its High-Level Military Officers

Published in Xinhua Daily Telegraph
(China) on 3 July 2014
by Sun Hao (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Yuzhi Yang. Edited by Kyrstie Lane.
There has been no lack of scandals in the U.S. military in recent years. Greed has tripped up numerous high-ranking military officers, including the source of pride for African-Americans in the military, William E. Ward. Ward was once the commander for U.S. Africa Command, a four-star general and the highest-ranking black officer in the U.S. military, yet he was still besieged by scandal on the verge of retirement.

The Office of the Inspector General at the Pentagon investigated for 17 months, and they found Ward had abused public funds, including allowing people such as his friends and family to use his official plane, as well as staying at luxury hotels and shopping at pricey boutique with public funds. The prosecutors realized Ward had taken an 11-day trip with a 13-person entourage, costing $130,000. It was over the line.

While Ward was scheduled to retire in April 2011, he had to postpone his retirement, was assigned to another post, and given a reduced rank; he finally retired as a lieutenant general. A year later, a little email incident managed to derail two more former and current high-ranking military officers.

Internal ethics investigators from the Department of Defense and the FBI’s external investigation [unit] managed to unveil the extramarital affair the retired four-star general and CIA Director David Petraeus had with his female biographer, which also implicated John Allen. The latter had just finished his duty as the U.S. commander in Afghanistan and was nominated as NATO’s top military commander by American President Obama.

Petraeus was once regarded as the top tough guy in the U.S. military’s post-9/11 era, and he was respected in the civilian world as well. He had a successful transformation from the military to the political world and was even seen as a hot candidate in the presidential elections. But as more details of the affair emerged, his close contact with the female writer in Afghanistan cast doubt on whether he could have leaked military intelligence. Petraeus was forced to resign in disgrace, ending his career, and losing his reputation.

The loss of personal reputation was one thing, but the media and the public had even more doubts about whether these high-level military officers jeopardized national security with their personal transgressions. The frequent military scandals also made the public ask questions. What is the problem? How do we fix it?

In America’s less than 300-year history, the era of severe corruption was actually not that long ago, and improvement of the anti-corruption system only came along in the last 30 years. When America transformed into an industrial nation, its exponential growth of national strength and its rapid industrial and commercial development gave corruption an ideal environment. The less-than-perfect system also meant America was once plagued by corruption.

The reform of the officer-employment system and the media’s growing scandal-breaking habit, as well as the stronger demand from the maturing middle class for cleaner politics and more ethical politicians have combined to make American society more aware of the abuse of power and added more pressure for anti-corruption efforts in legislation and law enforcement.

The Pentagon, having lost face with the Ward and Petraeus scandals, was forced to release plans for improving high-level military officers’ ethical conduct. They include: starting ethical training earlier in the military officer’s career, reviewing the assignment of adjacent staffers for a high-level military officer, etc. Obama also signed a law improving whistleblower protection at the end of 2012, protecting federal workers who expose government officials with corruption or abuse of power.

Anti-corruption work could not be done overnight nor be dependent on a perfect system; the system is not the only way to prevent the greed in human nature. One thing is certain: corruption will not disappear by itself. A healthier system and more effective efforts are still important weapons in anti-corruption.

A constantly improving system is the real way. The construction of an anti-corruption firewall is a 3-D project, requiring prevention, protection and fixes.


近年来,美国军队没少“出事”。或为钱或为色,一个“贪”字接连绊倒美军高官。这其中就有曾称得上美国军队黑人将士骄傲的威廉·沃德。沃德曾出任美军非洲司令部首任司令,官至四星上将,是美军中军衔最高的黑人军官。怎奈,即将光荣退役之际却东窗事发。

五角大楼检察长办公室经过17个月调查发现沃德滥用公帑,包括让其亲眷在内的人员使用公务飞机、以公款支付豪华酒店和名店购物等巨额消费。比如,检察人员发现沃德一次13人随行、共计11天的旅行,竟花费达13万美元,超标太甚。

于是,原计划2011年4月退役的沃德不得不暂停退役、调任他职、军衔调降,并最终以中将之衔黯然收场。时隔一年,小小电子邮件意外将两位前任和现任军中高官从荣誉光环中拉下马。
  
通过电邮往来这条途径,美国国防部的内部纪律调查和联邦调查局的外部调查最终扯出退役四星上将、时任中央情报局局长戴维·彼得雷乌斯与传记女作家的婚外情丑闻,并累及约翰·艾伦。后者当时刚刚卸任驻阿富汗美军司令,并被美国总统奥巴马提名为北约最高军事长官。

彼得雷乌斯原本被拥为后“9·11”时代美军首屈一指的“硬汉”,在民间也颇具威望,并成功从戎马生涯转型从政,甚至被视为总统大选的热门。然 而,随着更多绯闻细节浮出水面,他在阿富汗领军期间与女作家的密切沟通令他面临涉嫌泄露军情机要的质疑。彼得雷乌斯不得不狼狈请辞,自断仕途,名誉扫地。

个人晚节不保是小,但令媒体和坊间质疑的是,这些身居美军高位之人是否因一己失节而危及国家安全利益?军中丑闻迭出也令外界忍不住发问,问题出在哪里?又如何亡羊补牢?

纵观美国不到三百年的历史,严重腐败时期距今并不遥远,反腐制度完善也不过是近30年的动作。美国在向工业国转型、国力蹿升期间,其工商业迅速发展曾给“权钱交易”的滋生铺设温床;加之制度一度不健全,美国也曾遭遇严重腐败。

官员录用制度的改革、媒体逐渐形成的“揭丑”惯例以及日渐成型的中产阶级社会对政治清明、官员廉洁的更强需求等因素交织在一起,让美国社会对滥用公权问题日益警觉,并反过来对立法、执法环节的防腐、反腐工作形成压力。

面对沃德、彼得雷乌斯之辈的丑闻,颜面尽失的五角大楼不得不赶紧拿出加强高级军官职业操守教育的计划书。其中包括:在高级军官职业生涯早期提前 展开操守教育,审查高级官员周边人员配备是否合理等等。奥巴马也于2012年底签署《加强检举人保护法案》,保护检举政府官员腐败或滥用公权的联邦雇员。

对于反腐工作,既不能期待一蹴而就,也不应指望存在“完美制度”,仅凭制度来堵住全部人性之贪。然而,有一点应看到,腐败绝不会自生自灭,更健全的制度和更强硬的力度依然是反腐工作的重器。

不断完善制度势在必行,而反腐“防火墙”的建设也必须是一项立体工程——防、堵、补缺一不可。
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