Is Obama Overly Cautious Regarding the Islamic State?

Published in La Vanguardia
(Spain) on 4 September 2014
by Lucía Leal (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Beth Holding. Edited by Nathan Moseley.
The president of the United States, Barack Obama, has promised a campaign to “destroy” the Islamic State, but the cautious tone of his statements has led to increased suspicion among politicians and experts who see reflected in his words a lack of any clear strategy against the jihadi.

The murder of American journalist Steven Sotloff, 13 days after fellow citizen James Foley was also killed, has boosted the U.S. consensus that airstrikes in Iraq are not enough to defeat the Islamic State. Every day more and more people are becoming increasingly impatient faced with the delay of the White House in updating its strategy.

“I think I've learned one thing about this president, and that is he's very cautious. Maybe in this instance, too cautious,” said Dianne Feinstein, head of the Senate Intelligence Committee.

Obama’s reaction to the death of Sotloff — “justice will be served” — contrasted with Vice President Joe Biden’s reaction a few hours later. Biden was much more decisive as he threatened to pursue all those who would harm Americans, following them “to the gates of hell … because hell is where they'll reside.”

The head of state also confused the press upon affirming that his plan was to “degrade and destroy” the Islamic State, only to indicate shortly after that he in fact hoped to reduce the Islamic jihadi group to a “manageable” threat. This prompted Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel to clarify that the objective was to put an end to the jihadi threats.

Obama, known for being typically pensive, has defined a large part of his foreign policy as being in contrast with what is seen as being the catastrophic downfall of his predecessor, George W. Bush, who led the country into war with Iraq without any clear strategy.

“I think that Obama is deliberately changing his words,” Gordon Adams, an expert in American diplomacy at the American University in Washington, told EFE.*

“Having war rhetoric would convert the U.S. into a main actor in a conflict that began centuries ago and won’t be resolved any time soon,” added Adams, for which reason Obama “is doing well to be cautious.”*

But Democrats like Feinstein are demanding more and more that a strategy be established to combat the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, and suspect that the government is not taking the jihadi threat seriously enough.

Last January, in an interview with the magazine The New Yorker, Obama compared the jihadi in Iraq to “junior varsity” basketball players, and said that “if a JV team puts on Lakers uniforms that doesn’t make them Kobe Bryant,” distinguishing between a general threat and that which bin Laden formerly imposed.

Since then, the White House has denied the fact that Obama was explicitly referring to the Islamic State, but these words together with Obama’s recent affirmation that he still does not have a “strategy” against the jihadi group in Syria, has conditioned the way in which many people now interpret the government’s response to the extremist group.

While more and more Republicans in Congress were urging the president to carry out attacks in Syria, too, Obama has been trying to counteract alarming messages about the scope of the extremist group.

“Yes, the Middle East is challenging, but the truth is it’s been challenging for quite a while. I promise you things are much less dangerous now than they were 20 years ago, 25 years ago or 30 years ago. This is not something that is comparable to the challenges we faced during the Cold War,” said Obama when he spoke to donors at a fundraiser last Thursday.

For Dana Milbank, a columnist for The Washington Post, this message does not achieve its aim of “reassuring” Americans. “In short, Americans would worry less if Obama worried more” he said about Islamic State advances.

“It’s probably true that the threat of domestic radicalization is greater in Europe than in the United States but Obama’s sanguinity is jarring compared with the mood of NATO allies Obama is meeting in Europe this week,” Milbank wrote this Wednesday in the daily newspaper.

For Obama, his priorities seem to lie mostly in building a worldwide coalition against the Islamic State, with allies such as Turkey, Jordan and Saudi Arabia as principal agents. He seems convinced that the solution to the conflict is not solely a military one, nor does it depend entirely on the United States.

This conclusion cannot be deduced solely from the conflict in Iraq, we must also take into account the attacks in Afghanistan and Vietnam, which, according to Gordon Adams, demonstrate that “the random use of force will not put an end to the rebellion.”*

“This is a theme that will end up partly defining Obama’s presidency, and the worst part is that the United States cannot determine the result. It’s an internal struggle in the Middle East, and the solution can only be found in the Middle East. Obama’s reputation will remain marked by events that he could not control,” added Adams.*

*Editor’s Note: The original quotation, accurately translated, could not be verified.


Washington, 4 sep (EFE).- El presidente de EE.UU., Barack Obama, ha prometido una campaña para "destruir" al Estado Islámico (EI), pero el cuidadoso tono de sus declaraciones ha aumentado la suspicacia de políticos y expertos, que ven en su retórica el reflejo de una falta de estrategia clara contra los yihadistas.
El asesinato del periodista estadounidense Steven Sotloff trece días después del de su compatriota James Foley ha aumentado el consenso en EE.UU. de que los ataques aéreos en Irak no bastan para vencer al EI, y cada vez son más los que se impacientan ante el retraso de la Casa Blanca en actualizar sus medidas.
"He aprendido una cosa de este presidente, y es que es muy cauto, quizá demasiado cauto en este caso (de la amenaza del EI)", indicó recientemente la presidenta del Comité de Inteligencia del Senado estadounidense, su compañera del Partido Demócrata Dianne Feinstein.
La reacción de Obama al asesinato de Sotloff desde Estonia, donde prometió que "se hará justicia", contrastó con la del vicepresidente Joe Biden, horas después, mucho más rotunda, al sentenciar que perseguirá a quienes dañen a estadounidenses "hasta las puertas del infierno, porque al infierno es donde irán".
El mandatario también confundió a la prensa al afirmar que su plan es "degradar y destruir" al EI, para indicar poco después que pretende reducir al grupo yihadista a una amenaza "manejable", lo que obligó al secretario de Defensa, Chuck Hagel, a aclarar que el objetivo es acabar con el grupo yihadista.
Obama, el presidente reflexivo por antonomasia, ha definido buena parte de su política exterior en contraste con lo que percibe como una catastrófica precipitación de su predecesor, George W. Bush, que llevó al país a una guerra en Irak sin una estrategia clara.
"Creo que Obama modera deliberadamente su retórica", dijo a Efe Gordon Adams, un experto en diplomacia estadounidense de la American University (AU) de Washington.
"Una retórica de guerra convertiría a Estados Unidos en un actor en un conflicto que comenzó hace siglos y que no se resolverá pronto", añadió Adams, para quien Obama "hace bien en ser cauto".
Pero cada vez son más los demócratas que, como Feinstein, exigen una estrategia para combatir al EI también en Siria, y sospechan que el gobernante no se toma al grupo yihadista demasiado en serio.
El pasado enero, en una entrevista con la revista The New Yorker, Obama comparó a los yihadistas de Irak con "un equipo universitario" de baloncesto, y dijo que "no solo porque se pongan uniformes de (Los Ángeles) Lakers se convierten en Kobe Bryant", trazando una brecha entre su amenaza y la que llegó a suponer Osama Bin Laden.
La Casa Blanca ha negado desde entonces que Obama se refiriera explícitamente al EI, pero esas declaraciones, unidas a su reciente afirmación de que aún no tiene "una estrategia" contra ese grupo en Siria, han condicionado la forma en que muchos interpretan la respuesta del Gobierno al grupo extremista.
Mientras cada vez más republicanos del Congreso instaban a atacar al EI también en Siria, Obama ha intentado contrarrestar los mensajes alarmistas sobre el alcance del grupo extremista.
"Sí, Oriente Medio es complicado, pero la verdad es que lleva mucho tiempo siendo complicado. Les prometo que las cosas son mucho menos peligrosas ahora que hace 20, 25 o 30 años. Esto no es algo comparable a los retos que afrontamos durante la Guerra Fría", dijo Obama en un encuentro con donantes el pasado viernes.
Para el columnista Dana Milbank, del diario Washington Post, ese mensaje no cumple su objetivo de "tranquilizar" a los estadounidenses, que "se preocuparían menos si el presidente se preocupara más" por el avance del EI.
"Probablemente sea cierto que la amenaza de radicalización interna es mayor en Europa que en Estados Unidos, pero el optimismo de Obama chirría en comparación con el estado de ánimo de los aliados de la OTAN con los que se reunirá esta semana", escribió Milbank el miércoles en el diario.
Para Obama, parece más prioritario formar una coalición mundial contra el EI, con aliados como Turquía, Jordania o Arabia Saudí como protagonistas, convencido de que la solución al conflicto no es solo militar ni depende principalmente de Estados Unidos.
Esa lección no se extrae solo del conflicto de Irak, sino de las incursiones en Afganistán y Vietnam que, según Adams, demostraron que "el uso aleatorio de la fuerza no acaba con las insurgencias".
"Este es un tema que acabará definiendo en parte la presidencia de Obama, y lo peor es que Estados Unidos no va a determinar el resultado. Es una lucha interna en Oriente Medio, y solo en Oriente Medio se encontrará la solución. La imagen de Obama quedará marcada por acontecimientos que no controla", opinó Adams.
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