Expand Security Cooperation between Japan and the US (Anti-Globalism and Japan)

Published in The Nikkei
(Japan) on 24 August 2016
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Chris Hennessy. Edited by Alexandra Mullin.
We’re heading into “election season” from this fall to the end of next year, with a number of major nations holding elections. The role Japan must fulfill is huge to ensure continued diplomatic and security coordination, as well as to help prevent inward-looking posturing from these nations.

Starting with the U.S. presidential election in November, this year there are also presidential elections in France and South Korea and nationwide elections in Germany. Then, in China, the quinquennial Chinese Communist Party Congress — where changes in party executives are anticipated — will be held in autumn 2017.

Accelerate Policy for Strengthening Alliance

While leaders in these countries are expending all their energy on the domestic side of politics, they must avoid setting off international flashpoints of conflict. Serious crises such as the South China Sea and North Korea continue to smolder on in the Asia-Pacific.

Japan, with the ruling party winning big in July’s upper house elections, is one of the few major nations currently with a strong foundation for effective political administration. This paper wants the central government to encourage long-term participation of the U.S. in this region via the Japan-U.S. alliance. The Trans-Pacific Partnership is an economic framework perfect for this purpose. Likewise, from a security standpoint, it is essential that the U.S. strengthen its ties with Asia.

With war fatigue from Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. is turning inward. In the U.S. presidential race, the Republican candidate, Donald Trump, has alluded to the possibility of pulling U.S. troops from Japan and South Korea. According to a Pew Research poll conducted in the U.S. in April, 57 percent of Americans, when asked about the U.S. dealing with its own problems, responded to “let other countries deal with their own problems.” In the midst of this, what Japan should do is quickly take measures to push forward concrete policy for strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance, while at the same time preventing any rollback of U.S. participation in security guarantees.

Guidelines were revised for Japan-U.S. defense cooperation for the first time in 18 years last April, and in it a “bilateral coordination mechanism” featuring a permanent coordination center was set up. The center allows for exchange of information and analysis in times of peace, so on issues such as strategy, both sides can work hand-in-hand during times of crisis. Using this system, this paper hopes for haste in dialogue engagement to address how to handle the situations in the South China Sea, East China Sea and the Korean Peninsula.

There is a reasonable limit to the influence U.S. action can achieve by simply strengthening the bond in the Japan-U.S. alliance. So it is important for the U.S. to call on its allies and friendly nations and further develop its security cooperation links. The U.S. already has a foothold to that end. The cooperation partnerships between Japan-U.S.-Australia, Japan-U.S.-India and Japan-U.S.-Korea are some examples.

Particularly in the case of Japan-U.S.-Australia, cooperation appears to be deepening through the addition of cabinet-level dialogues. For example, in late April the three nations conducted joint military exercises in the sea around Indonesia.

Japan-U.S.-India also conducted foreign ministerial talks for the first time in September of last year. It’s been decided that Japan’s Self-Defense Force will regularly join annual U.S.-India joint military exercises starting this year.

Japan-U.S.-Korea cooperation is seeing new signs of life after the Japan-Korea agreement reached late last year over the “comfort women” issue. Momentum is gathering as well on missile defense coordination focusing on North Korea.

Support for International Contributions from Each Nation

As a next step for this “Japan-U.S.-plus one” coordination, this paper wants to see Southeast Asian nations brought into the fold. If this happens and a loose network of security cooperation is formed, you can expect that it will also have the effect of stemming the tide of isolationism.

Of course, there are many things Japan can still do on its own. One example is support for improving the ability of developing countries to contribute on the international stage. Since 2011, Japan has offered training programs teaching necessary skills and knowledge on major disaster relief for the United Nations Peacekeeping Organization (PKO). There are now 11 target nations, centered mostly in Asia. The Self-Defense Force is dispatched and military personnel from these nations are invited to share their technical know-how. This type of support is meaningful since each nation raises their ability to contribute internationally and develops a system in which stability is protected internally for participating nations.

On top of this, we must not forget this effort actively involves China and encourages responsible behavior. It is important Japan join other nations and call for China to not get any further carried away with hard-line behavior than it already has in the South China Sea. If conflicts in the world continue to spread and there is insecurity in the use of sea lanes, Japan will be directly affected. It will be a major boon for Japan to take on leadership and work toward preventing a rollback on the current course of globalization.


日米軸に安保協力の輪を広げよう(反グローバリズムと日本)

この秋から来年末にかけて、主要国では選挙が相次ぎ、「政治の季節」を迎える。各国が内向き志向に陥らず、外交や安全保障の連携を保てるようにするため、日本が果たすべき役割は大きい。

 11月の米大統領選に続き、17年にはフランスと韓国で大統領選、ドイツで総選挙がある。さらに中国では来年秋、5年に1度の共産党大会が開かれ、党首脳の人事も予想される。

同盟強化策を前倒しで
 各国の指導者が国内政治に精力を奪われている間に、紛争の火種が広がることは避けなければならない。アジア太平洋では、南シナ海や北朝鮮問題など、深刻な危機がくすぶり続けている。

 日本は7月の参院選で与党が大勝し、政権が強い基盤をもつ数少ない主要国だ。そんな日本にまず求められるのは、日米同盟を通じ、米国のこの地域への関与が息切れしないよう支えることだ。

 環太平洋経済連携協定(TPP)は、まさにそのための経済の枠組みである。同様に、安全保障面でも、米国とアジアの結びつきを強めることが欠かせない。

 アフガニスタンやイラクでの戦争疲れもあり、米国は内向きになっている。大統領選では、共和党のトランプ候補が日韓からの米軍撤収の可能性に言及している。

 米ピュー・リサーチ・センターが4月に米国内で実施した世論調査によると、米国は自分の問題に対応するため、「他国のことは他国に任せるべきだ」との回答が57%にのぼった。

 こうしたなか、日本がやるべきなのは、同盟強化の具体策を前倒しで積み重ね、安全保障面での米国の関与が後退しないよう、早めに手を打っていくことだ。

 日米は昨年4月、18年ぶりに日米防衛協力のための指針(ガイドライン)を改定し、常設の協議機関である「同盟調整メカニズム」を立ち上げた。

 平時から情報や分析を共有し、緊急時の作戦などをすり合わせるための機関だ。この制度を使い、南シナ海や東シナ海、朝鮮半島の情勢にどう対応するのか、詰めの協議を急いでもらいたい。

 もっとも、日米同盟の絆を太くするだけでは、米国の行動に及ぼす影響力には限界がある。そこで重要なのが、米国の他の同盟国や友好国にも呼びかけ、安全保障協力を面で広げていくことだ。

 すでに、そのための足場は生まれている。日米・オーストラリア、日米・インド、日米韓といった協力の枠組みがそのひとつだ。

 とくに、日米豪は閣僚級の対話に加えて、目に見える協力も深まっている。たとえば、3カ国は4月下旬、インドネシア周辺の海域で共同訓練をした。

 日米印も昨年9月に初めて、3カ国による外相会談を実現。米軍とインド軍が毎年開いている共同訓練に、今年から自衛隊が定期参加することも決まった。

 従軍慰安婦問題をめぐる昨年末の日韓合意を受け、日米韓の連携も息を吹き返している。北朝鮮をにらんだミサイル防衛の連携も、動く機運が生まれつつある。

各国の国際貢献も支援
 次の段階として、これら「日米プラスワン」の協力に、東南アジアの国々を加えていきたい。そうしてゆるやかな安全保障協力網ができあがれば、孤立主義への防波堤の役目も期待できる。

 むろん、日本単独でもやれることは多い。そのひとつが、発展途上国の国際貢献力を高めるための支援だ。日本は5年前から、災害救難や国連の平和維持活動(PKO)に必要な技術や知識を教える研修制度を設けている。

 対象はアジアを中心に11カ国に広がり、自衛隊幹部を派遣したり、各国の軍関係者を招いたりしてノウハウを伝えている。各国の国際貢献力を底上げし、域内の安定をみなで守る体制を育てていくうえで、意義ある支援だ。

 そのうえで、忘れてはならないのが、中国に積極的に関与し、責任ある行動を促していく努力だ。南シナ海などでこれ以上、強硬な行動に走らないよう、日本は他国とそろって中国に求めていくことが大切だ。

 世界で紛争が広がり、シーレーン(海上輸送路)が不安定になれば、日本は真っ先に影響を受ける。グローバル化の流れを後戻りさせないよう、率先して努力することが日本の利益にもなる。
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