Can Tillerson’s East Asia Trip Break the Deadlock?

Published in Beijing News
(China) on 03/15/17
by Sun Xingjie (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Fiona McAllister. Edited by Aaron Drews.
If U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson is capable of achieving a significant consensus with China, Japan and South Korea on his upcoming trip to East Asia, China’s State Council will have more of a voice on the U.S. policy in East Asia. President Donald Trump potentially wants to respond to the challenge of the Korean nuclear problem by diplomatic means more than anything else.
On March 14, the new U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson set out for Asia and will visit Japan, South Korea and China in succession. His visit to China begins four days later on March 18th.
Tillerson’s trip to Asia follows an earlier visit by U.S. Defense Secretary James Mattis to Japan and South Korea. While there is no doubt this is Trump’s government reiterating its East Asia policy, it also highlights one important aspect of that policy: the U.S. still lacks a clear Asia-Pacific strategy.

What is very clear is that the issues on the Korean Peninsula are the main reason for Tillerson’s visit. Simply put, Trump’s government has still not formed a clear Asia-Pacific policy. The expression of his views during the run-up to the election gave the Asia-Pacific a little indeterminacy, but since Trump came to power he has been busy with internal affairs and has not spent much time thinking about his Asia-Pacific policy.
Trump opposes the Obama administration’s “Rebalancing the Asia-Pacific” strategy, but he has yet to create his own policy, at all. The indeterminacy of the US’s Asia-Pacific policy poses a challenge to the region’s “safety belt,”which South Korea and Japan have maintained by spending a great amount of energy and resources to counter the shock brought about by Trump’s election.
After Defense Secretary Mattis took office, he visited Japan and South Korea. Rather than saying that the visit was to settle problems, he said it was to stabilize the U.S.-Japanese and U.S.-South Korean military alliances which calmed these two countries. Mattis’ visit to Japan and South Korea is intended to reaffirm America’s traditional promise to its allies, but America’s position in facing new circumstances on the peninsula remains unclear. Although he likes to tweet himself, Trump has only ever posted two responses on Twitter.

The White House, the Pentagon, and the State Department all have a voice in the future of the U.S.’s East Asia policy, but a subdued Tillerson has been trying to keep a low profile. Thus, there have been rumors in the media that Tillerson is not as good as he appeared to be. Trump’s son-in-law is now an important figure in American foreign policy. While Tillerson, the former CEO of Exxon Mobil Corp., is experienced in managing a company, he is considered by the outside world to be lacking in diplomatic experience. Therefore, against this sort of background, Tillerson’s East Asia visit is both a duty of the U.S. State Department and an important chance for the Chinese State Council to have a say in the shape of the future of U.S. East Asia policy.

Laying The Foundations of Trump’s East Asia Policy

If Tillerson is capable of creating a common understanding with China, Japan, and South Korea during this visit, if he is even capable of compromise, no doubt the PRC State Council will be able to have more of a say on U.S. East Asian foreign policy. Trump may also wish to respond to the challenge of the North Korean nuclear problem via diplomatic means more than ever. Conversely, if the Pentagon gains the upper hand, this will no doubt intensify the trend of U.S.-Japan-South Korean military alliances.

U.S.-Sino relations are the most important bilateral relations in the world, and this is even more so the case in the Korean Peninsula. It is a “zero-sum game” between the U.S. and China on the peninsula, but it is an issue on which there can be cooperation. Taking the phone call between U.S. and Chinese heads of states as an opportunity after Trump came to power, interactions between all levels have continued on as usual. After Tillerson took up his position, he has communicated with Chinese diplomat and State Council member Yang Jie Chi and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi a number of times. China and the U.S. already have established cooperative relations to control the crisis on the Korean Peninsula.
According to Japan and South Korea, Tillerson still needs to reaffirm the US.-Japanese and U.S.-South Korean cooperative relations during his East Asia visit, especially the promise made to U.S. allies. However, one of these two countries is unceasingly striving for “national normalization” under Abe’s government, while the president of the other has been impeached and a new election is to be held. Confronting the current situation, Tillerson requires China’s cooperation more than that of any other country. Foreign Minister Wang Yi has praised Tillerson for being a person capable of listening attentively. If, during the East Asia visit, Tillerson listens attentively to the opinions of all countries while also raising the requests of the U.S., the current deadlock could be broken if all parties work hard at it, thus creating a comparably good foundation for Trump’s East Asia policy. This is Tillerson’s task.


美国国务卿蒂勒森东亚行能否打破僵局

如果蒂勒森能够通过这次访问,与中日韩三国形成重大共识,无疑,国务院在美国东亚政策中的话语权会有所提升,而特朗普也会更加愿意以外交的手段来应对朝核问题的挑战。
  美国时间14日,美国新国务卿蒂勒森启程来亚洲,将先后访问日本、韩国和中国,访华行程从18日开始。
  在国防部长马蒂斯访问日韩之后,蒂勒森造访东亚,无疑是特朗普政府东亚政策的再一次展示,同时也是塑造特朗普亚太政策的重要一环。
  美国尚未有清晰亚太政策
  非常明显的是,朝鲜半岛问题是蒂勒森这次东亚之行的重要目的。根本来说,特朗普政府还没有形成清晰的亚太政策。特朗普上台之后忙于内政,在亚太政策上花的心思并不多,而他竞选期间的言论,其实也给亚太政策带来了一些不确定性。
  特朗普反对奥巴马政府的“亚太再平衡”战略,但是,时至今日,特朗普并没有提出自己的政策。美国政策的不确定性给亚太安全带来了挑战,而韩国和日本用了大量的精力和资源来对冲特朗普带来的冲击。
  国防部长马蒂斯上任之后访问日本和韩国,与其说是为了解决问题,不如说是稳定美日、美韩军事同盟关系,给这两个国家吃个“定心丸”。马蒂斯的日韩之行只是在恢复美国对盟友的传统的承诺,而面对半岛出现的新形势,美国的表态并不多,喜欢发推特的特朗普也不过在推特上回应了两次而已。
  对于未来的美国亚太政策,白宫、五角大楼和国务院都有发言权,而行事低调的蒂勒森也并不愿意抛头露面。因此,媒体一度传闻说,蒂勒森名不副实,特朗普的女婿才是美国外交政策的重要操盘手。
  与此同时,蒂勒森作为前埃克森美孚的CEO,管理企业的经验丰富,却被外界认为缺乏外交经验。所以,这样的背景下,蒂勒森的东亚之行既是美国国务院应尽的职责,也是塑造国务院在未来美国亚太政策发言权的重要环节。
  为特朗普东亚政策奠定基础
  如果蒂勒森能够通过这次访问,与中日韩三国形成重大共识,甚至妥协,无疑,国务院在美国东亚政策中的话语权会有所提升,而特朗普也会更加愿意以外交的手段来应对朝核问题的挑战。反过来,如果五角大楼占据了上风,无疑会加剧美日韩三边军事同盟的倾向。
  中美两国是世界上最重要的双边关系,在朝鲜半岛更是如此。中美在半岛不是零和博弈,而是可以展开合作的议题。特朗普上台之后,以中美元首电话磋商为契机,各层次的交往互动已经恢复如常,尤其是蒂勒森上任之后,与杨洁篪国务委员、王毅外长数次沟通,中美两国已经建立了共同管控朝鲜半岛危机的合作关系。
  蒂勒森的东亚之行,对日韩两国还是要重申合作关系尤其是盟友承诺,但是现在这两国一个是不断谋求“国家正常化”的安倍政府,一个总统被弹劾下野而进入大选季。面对如今的局面,蒂勒森最需要合作的对象显然是中国,王毅外长也称赞蒂勒森是一个可以倾听的人。东亚之行,蒂勒森倾听各方意见,也会提出美国的要求,通过各方的努力,有可能打破目前的僵局,从而为特朗普的东亚政策奠定比较好的基础。这就是蒂勒森的使命。
  □孙兴杰(吉林大学公共外交学院副教授)
This post appeared on the front page as a direct link to the original article with the above link .

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