Why Trump Is Unafraid of the Establishment as He Insists on Withdrawing Troops from Syria

Published in Huanqiu
(China) on 24 December 2018
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Daniel Chow. Edited by Helaine Schweitzer.
President Donald Trump has forcefully carried out his decision to withdraw troops from Syria. He asked Secretary of Defense James Mattis – who opposed the decision and was originally scheduled to leave his position in February – to leave on Jan. 1, 2019, and has continued to tweet in defense of his policy decision. In one tweet, Trump wrote that replacing regimes in other countries is not America’s job.

In a recent editorial, The Washington Post criticized Trump for being a rogue president, asserting that the two restraints on him – the Republican Party and the government – had failed, and that now the courts, public opinion and society in general are the last lines of defense that can restrain him. The New York Times also said that currently, every day is a war, and that Trump could soon lose control.

The United States appears to be descending into a deep and chaotic adjustment of traditional political values that are breaking apart and forming anew out of conflict. There is discontent gathering among the lower classes that cannot be alleviated politically, growing instead into a movement among voters to change the status quo, and allowing Trump to constantly challenge the establishment with stunning decisions.

Trying to understand Trump's thinking using traditional logic will never work. Does he only care about economics at the expense of focusing on geopolitics? Yet, he greatly increased military spending, established a space force and stressed the importance of having a nuclear arsenal more than any recent presidents. Does he no longer wish to rely on America's traditional system of foreign alliances? He seems to want to use alliances to "make America great again," switching from providing aid to allies to reaping more profit from them.

It would be time-consuming, exhausting and very hard to achieve full-fledged reform of American governance and international bodies led by the United States. So Trump just does what he can do directly, inducing change through taking action. Some of the actions he takes are in line with establishment thinking and are supported, such as the U.S.–China trade war. Some run so far afield from establishment thinking they face strong resistance, the withdrawal of troops from Syria being a case in point.

Trump is having a very powerful impact largely given the anger of lower-class white Americans and other populist energy. Trump’s administration does not have any clear direction; his decisions are inconsistent with any political ideology and therefore no one is certain what his next move will be.

American presidents have always devoted most of their attention to getting re-elected after they been in office for two years. Trump especially will behave like this as his re-election will receive less of the party and institutional support an incumbent usually gets, so he needs to continuously reinforce a direct emotional connection with the voters.

Withdrawing troops from Syria may have generated sharp criticism of Trump from the establishment, but he has used this decision to show that he is different from past establishment presidents. Causing a government shutdown over the border wall between the U.S. and Mexico is another way that Trump uses to stress that he is a president who represents the American people. The average American citizen cares about his or her own welfare, opposes the influx of even more immigrants and is sick of Middle East affairs. These are all public opinion pivots that Trump is willing to bet on.

Trump’s support among the populace is very strong due to his striking personality, and the reasons for the establishment to contain him are equally strong. In the next two years, the conflict between President Trump and the United States political system could be further amplified, to the point where "anything is possible."

China should focus on being prudent in dealing with a U.S. president like this. China should stick to its principles, and avoid becoming a No. 1 target for Trump to use in showcasing his personality on the international stage. There are many bonfires burning on the U.S. political scene, and there may be even more in the future. China must see that the energy from those bonfires does not reach Sino-American relations.

China is now such a large economic and political entity. As long as China and the U.S. refrain from engaging in a real cold war, then suppressing China cannot form the basis for American foreign policy. Sino-American relations are destined to be highly complicated, and Washington cannot possibly handle all Chinese matters driven by a single overwhelming goal of suppressing China’s growth. On the basis of this fundamental premise, we should work toward expanding, not diminishing, the healthy development of Sino-American relations.




特朗普总统继续强硬执行从叙利亚撤军的决定。他要求反对该决定、原计划明年2月份才完成辞职交接过程的防长马蒂斯1月1日就提前走人,并且不断发推特为自己的政策辩护。他在其中一个推文中写道,更换他国政权不应是美国的工作。

  《华盛顿邮报》在一篇最新评论中抨击特朗普是“流氓总统”,称共和党和政府这两道约束他的防线都已经失守,现在法院、舆论和更广泛的公民社会成为约束他的最后一道防线。《纽约时报》也说,现在每天都有一场“特朗普战争”,特朗普可能“即将失控”。

  美国看来正在陷入一场深刻而混乱的传统政治价值绷断和新价值通过竞争形成的大调整中。社会底层涌动的各种不满无法通过传统政治手段进行梳理和缓解,但它们又集结成支持打破现状的竞选力量,这使得特朗普得以对抗建制派,不断做出令后者目瞪口呆的决定。

  试图从传统逻辑理解特朗普思想脉络,都不会成功。他只想搞经济,不再重视地缘政治了吗?但他大规模提升了军费,组建太空军,比前几任总统都更强调核武库的重要性。他不再依赖美国的同盟体系了吗?他更像是想利用同盟体系实现“美国再次伟大”,包括从对盟国输血变成从盟友身上多捞一把。

  针对美国的体制以及美国领导的国际体系发动全面改革,既耗时又费力,很难推动。所以特朗普就直接干他能够干的事情,用行动促变化。这些行动有些与建制派的理念形成呼应,他就受到了支持,比如对华贸易战。有些与建制派的想法是南辕北辙的,他就受到了强烈的抵制,比如从叙利亚撤军就是这样。

  特朗普的冲击很有力量,它的背后主要就是美国白人底层民众的愤怒和其他民粹主义能量。但特朗普的执政逻辑还远没有在理论上自我厘清,他的执政方向也有较大不确定性。第一个任期执政两年后,美国总统都会把注意力的重心放在连任上,特朗普总统会尤其这样,因为他的连任得到的体制性惯性支持会更弱,他需要不断强化与选民的直接情感联系。

  从叙利亚撤军,特朗普虽然受到建制派极其刻薄的批评,但他利用这一行动重描了自己与以往建制派总统的鲜明不同。在美墨边境建墙导致政府关门,也是特朗普总统强调自己“是美国人民的总统”的一种方式。普通美国老百姓关心自己的福利,反对更多移民涌入,对中东事务感到厌倦,这些都是特朗普敢于赌博的民意支点。

  由于特朗普的个性极其鲜明,他的民间支持力量很强大,而建制派抵制他的理由同样强大,在接下来的两年里特朗普总统与美国体制的冲突有可能进一步激化,以至于“什么都可能发生”。

  与这样的美国总统打交道,中国应重在稳健。中国应坚持原则,同时要避免成为他在国际舞台上彰显个性的头号靶子。美国政坛上现在就有多个燃烧的火堆,今后很可能还会出现更多,把那些火堆的能量都吸引到中美关系中来,这是中国要坚决防止的。

  中国已经形成如此大的经济和政治体量,只要中美不搞成真正的冷战,遏制中国不成为美国对外政策的基础坐标,中美关系就注定是高度复杂化的,华盛顿不可能受某个压倒性的目标驱使处理各种对华事务。这应是我们的一个基本判断,在此基础上,我们应致力于扩大、而非进一步收缩中美发展健康关系的空间。
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