The specter of recession once again threatens the U.S. and is very likely to appear in the middle of the election campaign next year.
At the G-7 summit, we saw a less controversial than usual Donald Trump, who even accepted Emmanuel Macron’s proposal to meet with the president of Iran. What has happened to him? The economic environment can help us answer that question. Trump has been a millionaire since the day he was born, and he entered politics without any defined ideology except to satisfy his own vanity.
In 2016 the unemployment rate was 4.7%, and three years later with Trump in the White House, it has dropped to 3.7%. In 2016, the economy had been expanding for seven years. This summer, it has been growing for more than 10 years, the longest expansive cycle in U.S. history. In Spain, we have suffered the effects of artificially prolonging an expansive cycle. After the bubble burst in 2007, we suffered the worst economic depression since the Civil War. Economies always purify excesses, and the greater they are, the more intense the recessions.
In the 2016 campaign, Trump described U.S. growth as mediocre and promised an uplift to 5%. In 2019, the economy grew to 2.5%. There is discontentment with globalization in the worker vote, and Trump promised protection and to put America first. To that end, he has decided to raise taxes. Tariffs mean an increase in production costs and companies are responding by raising prices for consumers. Discounting inflation, the average real wage of industrial workers has risen by a ridiculous 2% in the three years since Trump has been in the White House. The trade war started by Trump in 2017 has been like spitting into the wind. Since the end of 2017, U.S. industrial exports have stagnated, and since the end of last year, industrial production has started to fall.
With world trade in recession, and after bursting the multilateral system created at Bretton Woods in 1945, Trump is obsessed with pump-priming domestic demand. To compensate for the rise in taxes and tariffs, he approved tax cuts, above all for companies. This measure has not worked and business investment has fallen since the summer of 2018.
The specter of recession once again threatens the U.S. and is very likely to appear in the middle of the election campaign next year. Trump is aware that, with a Democratic majority in Congress, it is difficult to pass tax incentives. That is why he has concentrated his pressure on the Federal Reserve. He has demanded that it lower rates and depreciate the dollar, accusing its president of being the number one enemy of the U.S.
If he succeeds, Trump will learn that monetary policy helps soften the effects of recession on unemployment, but it cannot avoid them. As Michal Kalecki and John Keynes taught us, entrepreneurs must once again expect positive benefits in order to re-invest and create jobs. And for that to happen, it is necessary to purge the excesses caused by an expansive cycle; excesses which have increased significantly as a result of Trump’s disastrous economic policy.
El fantasma de la recesión vuelve a sobrevolar EE UU y es muy probable que le pille en plena campaña electoral el próximo año
En la cumbre del G7 hemos visto a un Donald Trump menos polémico de lo habitual, hasta ha aceptado la propuesta de Emmanuel Macrón de reunirse con el presidente iraní. ¿Qué le sucede al presidente? El entorno económico puede ayudarnos a responder a la pregunta. Trump es millonario desde que nació y entró en política sin ninguna ideología definida, solo para satisfacer su vanidad personal.
En 2016, la tasa de paro estaba al 4,7%, y tres años después, con Trump en la Casa Blanca, ha bajado al 3,7%. En 2016, la economía llevaba siete años de ciclo expansivo. Este verano ha superado los 10 años creciendo, el ciclo expansivo más prolongado de la historia en EE UU. En España hemos sufrido los efectos de prolongar artificialmente un ciclo expansivo. Después de pinchar la burbuja en 2007 sufrimos la peor depresión económica desde la Guerra Civil. Las economías siempre depuran los excesos, y cuánto mayores son, más intensas son las recesiones.
En la campaña de 2016 Trump calificó de mediocre el crecimiento de EE UU y prometió ascender al 5%. En 2019 la economía crece al 2,5%. Hay descontento en el voto obrero con la globalización y prometió protección y América primero. Para ello decidió subirles los impuestos. Los aranceles suponen un incremento de los costes de producción y una parte las empresas los acaban trasladando a precios que pagan los consumidores. El salario real medio, descontando la inflación, de los trabajadores industriales ha subido un ridículo 2% en los tres años que Trump ha estado en la Casa Blanca. La guerra comercial iniciada por Trump en 2017 ha sido como escupir con el viento en contra. Desde finales de 2017 las exportaciones industriales de EE UU están estancadas y desde finales del año pasado la producción industrial ha empezado a caer.
Con el comercio mundial en recesión y tras reventar el sistema multilateral creado en Bretton Woods en 1945, Trump está obsesionado en cebar la bomba de la demanda interna. Para compensar su subida de impuestos de aranceles, aprobó una bajada de impuestos, pero sobre todo a las empresas. La medida no le ha funcionado y la inversión empresarial cae desde el verano de 2018.
El fantasma de la recesión vuelve a sobrevolar EE UU y es muy probable que le pille en plena campaña electoral el próximo año. Trump es consciente de que con mayoría demócrata en el Congreso es complicado aprobar estímulos fiscales. Por eso ha centrado sus presiones sobre la Reserva Federal. Le exige que baje tipos y deprecie el dólar y acusa a su presidente de ser el principal enemigo de EE UU.
Si lo consigue, Trump aprenderá que la política monetaria ayuda a suavizar los efectos de la recesión sobre el desempleo, pero no puede evitarlos. Como nos enseñaron Michal Kalecki y John Keynes, los empresarios deben volver a tener expectativas de beneficios positivas para volver a invertir y a crear empleo. Y para eso toca depurar los excesos generados en el ciclo expansivo, que han aumentado significativamente por la desastrosa política económica de Donald Trump.
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The economic liberalism that the world took for granted has given way to the White House’s attempt to gain sectarian control over institutions, as well as government intervention into private companies,
The economic liberalism that the world took for granted has given way to the White House’s attempt to gain sectarian control over institutions, as well as government intervention into private companies,
The economic liberalism that the world took for granted has given way to the White House’s attempt to gain sectarian control over institutions, as well as government intervention into private companies,