America’s Presidential Election: A Great Power’s Responsibility in a Crisis

Published in Asahi Shimbun
(Japan) on 10 April 2020
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Eric Stimson. Edited by Patricia Simoni.
Will the postwar international order shaped by American leadership face even greater turmoil, or will it demonstrate its resilience? This year’s American presidential election is likely to reach this major crossroads.

It has become clear that the election will pit the current Republican president, Donald Trump, against a former Democratic vice president, Joe Biden. Both sides have begun to move in advance of the general election set for November.

What is probably most in dispute is how Trump and his “America First” program have changed America’s reliability and leadership ability in international affairs.

Trump rejected globalization and successively renounced the framework of multilateral cooperation. In contrast, Biden promises a return to international cooperation using his experience at the forefront of diplomacy in the former Obama administration.

America’s presence, once so weighty in the global order, has unmistakably been diminished under the Trump administration. Even when faced with the crisis of a pandemic that transcends national borders, the U.S. cannot display the leadership needed to rally international society, and instead, it just increases criticism of China and international institutions.

How would Biden play America’s part now? While he emphasizes relationships with allies, how would he balance America’s interests in coordination with others? We hope he will emphasize his diplomatic expertise.

Looking closely at America, once again it is the problem of the wealth gap that sticks out.

Dissatisfaction with the widening wealth gap due to globalization was the force behind the Trump phenomenon. Trump saw this with the white working class in particular, and ran on a protectionist trade platform, but it is clear that this does not lead to a long-term rise in living standards for the middle class.

On the other hand, Biden was the No. 2 man for eight years in the previous administration, which also aimed to resolve inequality, but it is hard to say he was successful.

Sen. Bernie Sanders, who fought in the Democratic primaries until the end, won support for advocating a universal health insurance system. Public opinion polls have also shown that support for this system of health care has grown in the wake of the coronavirus calamity. No matter who becomes president, achieving the social justice the people clamor for will be an urgent issue.

Ameliorating the wealth gap, improving social security systems, policies to accept immigrants and foreign residents, etc., are all problems that vex advanced nations, including Japan. All countries are earnestly observing the debates that are shaking America over whether to value competition or fairness.

An election campaign taking place in the midst of the whirlpool of the coronavirus is unprecedented. Even small-scale gatherings have no prospect of resuming, which means that the quality of debate will probably be questionable.

The extent to which diversity will be reflected is drawing attention. Biden has promised a female running mate. We hope that American-style democracy, which selects its leaders so rigorously, will weather the adverse circumstances and show us its fortitude.




米国主導で形づくられてきた大戦後の国際秩序が、さらなる混迷に向かうのか、それとも、復元力が働くのか。今年の米大統領選挙は、その大きな分岐点になるだろう。

 共和党の現職トランプ氏に対し、民主党のバイデン前副大統領が挑む構図が固まった。11月に予定される本選挙に向けて、両陣営は動き始める。

 何より問われるのは、「米国第一」を掲げるトランプ氏が、国際社会での米国の信頼性と指導力をどう変えたかであろう。

 トランプ氏は、グローバル化への拒絶を公言し、多国間協調の枠組みを次々に否定してきた。これに対し、バイデン氏はオバマ前政権下で外交の一線に立った経験を土台に、国際協調路線への復帰を唱えている。

 かつて世界秩序の重しだった米国の存在感が、トランプ政権下で凋落(ちょうらく)したのは間違いない。国境を越える感染症の危機に直面しても、米国は国際社会を束ねる指導力を発揮できないどころか、中国や国際機関への非難ばかりを強めている。

 こんな時、バイデン氏なら米国の役割をどう果たすのか。同盟関係の重視を持論とする中、米国の利益と他国との連携をどう両立させるのか。外交通を証明する論陣を張ってほしい。

 米国内をみれば、改めて表出したのが格差の問題だ。

 トランプ現象の背景には、グローバル化による格差拡大への不満があった。トランプ氏は特に白人労働者層を意識して、貿易で保護主義に走ったが、それが中間層の長期的な底上げにつながらないのは明らかだ。

 一方のバイデン氏も、格差是正をめざした前政権下でナンバー2を8年間務めながら、成功を収めたとは言いがたい。

 民主党の予備選を最後まで争ったサンダース上院議員は国民皆保険制度を唱え、人気を博した。コロナ禍で制度への支持はさらに増えた、との世論調査もある。誰が次の大統領になるにせよ、国民が求める社会的公正の実現は喫緊の課題だ。

 格差の是正や、社会保障制度の改善、移民や外国人居住者の受け入れ策などは、いずれも日本を含む先進国が頭を悩ませる問題である。競争か、平等かの価値観に揺れる米国の論争を、各国は真剣に見つめている。

 コロナ危機の渦中で進む選挙戦は、異例の展開になる。小規模の集いですら、再開できる見通しは立っていない。その分、論戦の質が問われるだろう。

 バイデン氏が公約した女性副大統領候補を含め、多様性がどう反映されるかも注目点だ。逆境にめげず、自らの指導者を厳しく吟味し選ぶ米国流民主主義の強靱(きょうじん)さを見せてもらいたい。
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