Stop Burdening Us by Preventing US Military Base Withdrawals

Published in Ryukyu Shimpo
(Japan) on 29 June 2020
by (link to originallink to original)
Translated from by Kelsey Lechner. Edited by Daniel Rosen.
It’s been 48 years since Okinawa was formally returned to Japan and 75 years since the Battle of Okinawa, and yet, of all the U.S. military’s land in Japan, 70% is on the island. Why is there no progress in relieving us of this heavy burden? The truth becomes clear when you take a look at history.

In May of 1971, the year before Okinawa was returned, the F4 fighter unit was relocated from Yokota Air Base in Tokyo to Kadena Air Base in Okinawa. With this, the last American warplanes disappeared from the mainland, fortifying Okinawa’s function as a base. The F4 unit at Kadena changed to an F15 unit, which it still is today. We need to stop the system imposing the burden on Okinawa.

We now know that initially, the U.S. was considering moving the F4 unit to the American mainland or U.S.-controlled Guam in 1971. However, Shinji Kawana, an associate professor at the Tokyo Institute of Technology’s department of international relations, analyzed official U.S. documents and found this was a measure taken in response to Japan’s own concerns about the withdrawal of the American military.

This move was around the time of the Kanto Plain Consolidation Plan, which was to organize and consolidate U.S. military bases around the Tokyo metropolitan area. This was also the period when there was a significant amount of anti-base sentiment due to then ongoing Vietnam War movements and overlap with controversies related to U.S. military accidents on mainland Japan. We can see the government’s expectations of concentrating bases on Okinawa to avoid turning this into a domestic political issue.

However, while the U.S. has considered many times plans that would lessen the burden on Okinawa by reducing or removing its bases there, official diplomatic documents and testimony from officials, not to mention history, clearly show efforts by Japan to stop this from happening.

Upon Okinawa’s return to Japan, we’ve seen examples of the U.S. considering Iwakuni in Yamaguchi prefecture or Misawa in Aomori prefecture as new locations for the U.S. Navy P3B anti-submarine patrol aircraft deployed at Naha Airport; yet it has been changed to Kadena.

At the U.S.-Japan conference in January 1972, Takeo Fukuda, who was the foreign minister at the time, touched on this issue. Eisaku Sato, then prime minister, rejected the move to areas like Iwakuni, claiming it would spark political problems. This politicization over the burden of bases has allowed the double standard between the mainland and Okinawa to continue even today. It’s been nothing short of discrimination.

In the 1970s, the U.S. government considered withdrawing the Marines, which occupy about 70% of the U.S. military base area in Okinawa, but Japan held it back. The same applies for the latter half of the 1990s — when a young girl was brutally raped by U.S. servicemen — and for discussions to reorganize the U.S. military in the mid-2000s. Every time a plan from U.S. officials surfaced to withdraw or reduce troops, the Japanese government obstructed it behind the scenes. Their responsibility for nipping these plans for alleviation in the bud for so many years is enormous.

When the F4s were moved to Kadena in May of 1971, Chief Executive of the Government of the Ryukyu Islands of Okinawa Chobyo Yara requested a reduction of further U.S. bases. In response, then Prime Minister Sato announced that he would not impose the burden of the mainland’s bases on Okinawa. That promise was never kept.

Currently, the Abe administration is pushing ahead with the construction of a new base in Henoko, contrary to the will of the Okinawan people, which we have demonstrated again and again. Furthermore, this project can’t be easily completed technically or financially because of factors such as the unsuitably soft soil. For Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, this should be a favorable opportunity to finally fulfill the promise of his granduncle, Eisaku Sato, to amend the burden forced on Okinawa.


<社説>米軍撤退引き留め 負担押し付けに終止符を
沖縄戦から75年、日本復帰から48年たつ。だが依然沖縄に在日米軍専用施設面積の7割が集中している。負担軽減はなぜ進まないのか。その本質が浮かび上がる歴史の事実がまた明らかになった。

 復帰前年の1971年5月、嘉手納基地に東京の米軍横田基地からF4戦闘機部隊が移駐した。これにより本土から米空軍戦闘機は消え、沖縄の基地機能が強化されていった。嘉手納のF4はその後F15に変わり、これが現在に至っている。沖縄に負担を押し付ける構図に、終止符を打たなければならない。

 71年のF4移駐を巡って今回、米側が当初、米本国や米領グアムを検討していたことが分かった。東京工業大の川名晋史准教授(国際政治学)が米公文書を分析した。川名氏は、米軍撤退を不安視する日本に配慮する米側の政治的措置だったと指摘している。

 首都圏の米空軍基地を整理・統合する「関東計画」が進んでいく時期だ。日本本土では米軍関連の事故にベトナム反戦運動や安保闘争などが重なり、反基地感情が高まっていた時期でもある。国内の政治問題化を避けるため、沖縄に基地を集約させていった政府の思惑がうかがえる。

 一方、在沖米軍の撤退や削減などの負担軽減案が米政府内で何度も検討されながら、日本側が引き留めてきた歴史も外交文書や当局者の証言などで明らかになっている。

 復帰に際して、那覇空港に配備されていた米海軍P3B対潜哨戒機の移駐先として米側が岩国(山口)や三沢(青森)を検討していながら嘉手納に変更された事例がある。

 72年1月の日米協議で福田赳夫外相(当時)はこの問題に触れて、佐藤栄作首相(同)の地元岩国などへの移転は「政治的な問題を生じさせる」と拒んだ。こうした基地負担を巡る沖縄と本土の二重基準は今も続く構図である。差別以外の何物でもない。

 在沖米軍基地面積の約7割を占める海兵隊は70年代に米政府内で撤退が検討されたが、日本側が引き留めている。少女乱暴事件を受けた90年代後半、米軍再編協議のあった2000年代半ば以降も同様だ。米関係者から撤退・削減案が浮上するたびに、水面下で日本政府が阻んできた。負担軽減の芽を長年摘んできた責任は重大だ。

 F4が嘉手納に移駐した71年5月、佐藤首相は琉球政府の屋良朝苗主席から基地の整理縮小について要請を受け「本土の(基地)負担を沖縄に負わすようなことはしない」と表明した。だが約束は今も果たされてはいない。

 現在、安倍政権は県民が繰り返し示す民意に反して辺野古の新基地建設を推し進めているが、軟弱地盤の存在などで技術的にも財政的にも完成は見通せない。安倍晋三首相にとっては、大叔父に当たる佐藤首相の約束を今こそ果たし、沖縄への負担の押し付けを改める好機であるはずだ。
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